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others. Over the Mediterranean coast from Tunis to the Atlantic, where the Roman eagles once held sway, the tricolor of France now floats. England has settled herself in Egypt, and if she ever relinquishes that country it will not be to another European Power. Does Mussolini therefore propose to elbow his way into Africa by thrusting aside his neighbors, as his speeches suggest?

Most newspapers deny this. They argue that the Duce is too prudent to venture on such a hazardous undertaking. He knows that patriotic enthusiasm, no matter how ardent, cannot of itself win wars. Except for the Corfu incident, which was not a particularly risky adventure and was an impulsive act of legitimate indignation, his foreign policy has been consistently pacific. His bellicose harangues are intended to keep up the morale of his people, to induce his fellow citizens to consent to the sacrifices necessary for reorganization at home.

But is this so certain? Are not the Italians too intelligent to be treated like children? They are grateful to Mussolini for saving them from anarchy and restoring law and order, for getting the people back to work, for reestablishing their prestige abroad. They can follow that course of their own volition, without delusive flattery. The Duce himself, understanding his fellow countrymen as he does, knows that it would be extremely dangerous to harp constantly on the chord of conquest unless he were fully determined to make good his words. Some months ago a friend residing in Rome said to me: 'Italy has undergone a profound transformation. Her thoughts no longer dwell upon the great civilizations that have flourished on her soil; she no longer prides herself upon the marvels of ancient art and Renaissance beauty that she possesses; she no

longer dotes upon her galleries and her churches and her baptistries; she thinks only of force; and the man who has filled her with this new faith, who has lifted her so high, who owes his power entirely to the fact that he incarnates her will and aspirations, would never dare thus to preach the apotheosis of force if he did not intend to be true to that faith. Otherwise he would be destroyed by the very tempest he has unchained.'

Out of all these varying opinions one truth seems to me to emerge. The time has come when Fascism has ceased to be a purely Italian phenomenon. The nation feels stifled within its doctrinal as well as its territorial confines. It compares itself with what it sees beyond its borders and finds itself better. It conceives its mission to be to reform the world. Any attack, any obstacle thrown in its way, seems to it a sacrilege.

Mussolini has declared, 'We shall overthrow every barrier, no matter what.' That, of course, is still vague and indefinite. The movement is still in the stage of sonorous discourses and vast ambitions. But one definite goal is defining itself, toward which 'awakened' Italy will struggle like a single man- that is, a larger territorial opportunity in the world. Its justification will be sought not only in what the Fascisti have already accomplished, but likewise in the lawgiving traditions of ancient Rome.

Does that mean that we shall soon have another war? I do not think so. Nations in a state of self-exaltation fortunately have other outlets besides war; and the world is big, even though it may have been already divided up. Nevertheless, a marked opposition has arisen between the spirit of Fascism and what we call the spirit of Locarno, which is also the spirit of Geneva. We should keep a sharp eye upon what is occurring in the Peninsula.

APPRENTICESHIP IN INTERNATIONALISM 1

BY PIERRE BOUSCHARAIN

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the ardent cult of internationalism that is equally characteristic of our age. It is not normal that the United States, after drafting the Covenant of the League of Nations, should show such an aversion to participating in the affairs of Europe.

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Yet the antagonism between these two sentiments is more apparent than real. Nationalism and internationalism, instead of being mutually antagonistic, complement each other; each is necessary to the other.

Unquestionably the old primitive and superficial idea of internationalism, which contemplated sweeping away all differences between nations and races and subjecting them to the same dead level of laws and institutions, bade wanton defiance to all the geological, climatic, ethnical, historical, and cultural differences that give the world its infinite variety. But the modern conception of internationalism is based on the idea of harmony in the midst of difference, just as the pieces of a mosaic contribute to the beauty of the whole. But the patterns must not be broken and discordant. Scientific internationalism assumes an equilibrium to be established, both in the individual and in society, between the instincts of race and national expansion on the one hand, and the sentiment of humanity on the other; between the national ego which demands its place in the sun, and the consciousness of universal brother

hood. This is an equilibrium difficult to attain except for certain men of exalted vision and apostolic gifts. We are not

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born internationalists. To become one calls for a discipline of both the will and the mind.

Nevertheless, the task is not beyond our powers. All human progress is but one continuous illustration of the conquest of reason over impulses and passions. It is to the reason that we must appeal in the present instance. We must know ourselves before we can know others. If we analyze our own nationalism, if we study the causes and the influences that have shaped our national character, we shall more easily understand the influences and the forces that have fashioned other nations upon a different model. Nationalism in its loftier and better sense, the only sense in which it can permanently survive, does not bid us to worship and perpetuate blindly the faults of our race, but rather to strive constantly to abolish them. Blind nationalism may be hostile to internationalism, but enlightened nationalism is its intelligent coworker. Make a man an enlightened son of his country, and you make him a citizen of the universe.

Our first task, therefore, is to cultivate among the common people a clear and a broad conception of humanitythat is to say, to endow the individual citizen with a mind so furnished that he can appreciate the beauty and the necessity of universal harmony. The social passions that produce wars are simply the vices of the individual multiplied to infinity. The disorders that overthrow States are analogous to the disorders that dethrone the reason of the individual. Diplomatic lies are precisely the same in their nature as individual lies; they are collective falsehoods. We act irrationally as individuals when we are 'blinded by passion.' An identical irrationality reaches a catastrophic climax when nations are blinded by passion. How, then, may we discipline the collective mind and teach

it self-control, so that such crises may become impossible? In other words, how can we make the international mind sovereign in world affairs?

In order to create this international mind in the individual, and thereby in the nation, we have certain negative and positive tasks to perform. In a large sense, the negative task consists in rooting out the weeds of evil. Every human vice tends to corrupt the whole social organism. Consider what a contribution it would be to the bettering of relations between countries if the level of veracity of individual men and women could be raised. A lie transformed from the plane of the individual to the plane of society becomes counterfeit money, false weights, adulterated merchandise, fraudulent finance, currency inflation. These are lies that harm the State. Transformed to the international plane, they assume the guise of insincere treaties, Ems dispatches, scraps of paper. Such lies undermine confidence between Governments until their people come to distrust even the most honest agreements. Political lies and economic lies are the worst obstacles standing in the way of international collaboration. The first step toward internationalism, therefore, is to create the habit of inflexible truth-speaking between Governments and their representatives.

Next, perhaps, comes the principle of common honesty in respect to property. Society instinctively tries to root out the spirit of covetousness and rapine in the individual. That spirit, however, prevails to a disturbing extent in the relations between the Governments. It keeps the whole world constantly on its guard. In the same way that we have robbery committed by one person against another, so history records innumerable robberies committed by one nation against another - to say nothing of financial sharp practices,

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both national and international, that are nothing more than robberies in disguise.

Another individual vice, which still multiplies its baleful influence beyond -computation when it infects whole communities, is the combative spirit instinctive in all races. Every normal boy has a marked liking for soldiers and cannon and games about war. The disarmament of the nursery is not likely to destroy this hereditary instinct. It is deep-rooted in human nature, and is associated with many noble qualities, such as courage, resolution, self-sacrifice, endurance of pain. We should seek to divert a quality like this to new channels, instead of destroying it for example, to the conquest of nature and to the struggle against social evils.

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This negative task includes eradicating the characteristic faults of a race or a nation, as well as vices common to all mankind. The school-teacher should studiously discourage, instead of cultivating as he too often does at present, uncritical national vanity-above all when it is based, as it usually is, upon the disparagement of other nations. We should cultivate the art of intelligent national self-criticism. The Englishman, for example, is well aware of the fact that other nations reproach him with being overengrossed in material pursuits. Such popular proverbs as "Time is money' and 'Business is business,' and a certain egoism that distinguishes the Britisher in his relations with other men, are indicative of this. If the English people set themselves seriously to analyze the reasons for this reputation, they will soon discover that their insular situation has given them a peculiar moral and political, as well as geographical, point of view that it has inclined them to be self-centred and self-contained. Appreciating this, they will be able to deal more intelligently with the conflicts

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that are constantly arising between an insular policy and an international policy. Moreover, a due appreciation of the way their own methods of doing things impress others may make them more tolerant of other nations when these use identical methods.

When M. Caillaux visited London not long ago to adjust France's debt to England, several British newspapers, who did not like the settlement reached, instead of criticizing our Minister of Finance, praised his skill and expressed regret that the British Treasury did not have an equally competent negotiator. Such judgments, conceived in a broad spirit, are favorable to internationalism, for we cannot well condemn qualities in citizens of another country that we recognize as characterizing our fellow citizens at home.

Similarly, a Frenchmen who has studied the history of his country, glorious as that history is, can scarcely escape recognizing the changeable sentiments of his race, which has so often preferred a brutal recourse to revolution to sane and sensible political evolution. When the Frenchman recalls with bitterness Germany's repeated invasions of his country, he should also remember that the Germans likewise cherish bitter memories of the earlier French invasions of their own native land.

How utterly we Frenchmen have neglected national self-analysis, to correct our racial faults, is indicated by the persistence of our defects as well as our virtues. We are intelligent, alert, brave, enthusiastic, generous; but we are also fickle and inconsistent. Other nations, however, are equally neglectful of intelligent self-comprehension. When we come to think of it, is n't it extraordinary that century after century should pass without any great people as a whole taking thought to improve its national character?

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Coming now to the positive task of cultivating an international mind, we must start with the child at his most impressionable age. We should begin to employ illustrations and moving pictures, even in the kindergarten, to familiarize him with the scenery, the manners, and the customs of other countries. We should teach him their songs and popular history. We should place before him the products of their handicrafts. And as soon as he is old enough to understand such things, we should point out the common elements that all these cultural products possess, no matter from what country, race, or civilization they may come. What a lesson in human brotherhood we can teach by as simple an example as the close resemblance between the axes of the ancient Gauls and those of the present natives of New Guinea.

As the child grows older his instruction should be broadened and given a larger logical content. I believe that a course of study of different civilizations should be obligatory in the curriculum of every secondary school, and that it should be supplemented by a systematic study of international relations. Already the higher schools of Czechoslovakia require their pupils to devote one year to the study of international intercourse, including the economic, political, and intellectual relations among countries.

Naturally the pupil must be taught simultaneously the qualities and the character of his people. These two aspects of his study should advance side by side and be correlated with each other. As soon as he is mature enough to form personal opinions, it would be well to introduce him to the field of practical race psychology, to trace back with him the evolution of the national mind to its remoter origins, with a study of the geographical, geological, and ethnical factors that have influenced it.

The goal should be to substitute an intellectual and discriminating nationalism for a purely impulsive and emotional nationalism.

In fact, every people is accountable to the human race for its national qualities, for each of them is called upon to make its own distinctive contribution to the common stock of art and science in return for what it receives from that general fund. The world cannot, without suffering a loss, dispense with French clarity, German speculation, or Slavic mysticism. We are each entrusted, not only with our individual talent, like the servants in the Biblical parable, but also with a national talent.

No opportunity should be neglected to become personally acquainted with one's own country and with other countries. The more intercourse there is between nations, the more traveling, the more individual and collective contact among their young people, the more association in common causes, the rapider will be the growth of an international mind.

Two agencies of mutual understanding, available everywhere and of supreme importance, are instruction in history and in the living languages. History should be envisaged as the study of the national ego as it has evolved in association with other peoples and governments. Language should be studied as a reflection and a symbol of this national ego. Many teachers and students are already trying to reform the teaching of history with this in view. A general movement exists in favor of paying less attention to wars, of ceasing to glorify conquests, of refraining from dwelling upon incidents that tend to excite hatred against another country, and of emphasizing the contributions that each nation has made throughout its history to the collective achievements of humanity.

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