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[As a foil, to set off the brilliancy of Mr. Morris's eloquence, we subjoin the Speech of Mr. Cocke, on the same question. They were both taken by one of the editors of the Gazette of the United States, than whom no reporter is more correct. Edit. Bal.]

Mr. Cocke. I rife, Mr. Prefident, to follow the gentleman from New-York and not to bring forward any argument of my own upon this fubject that is now before you. I fhall endeavour to follow him flep by ftep, and anfwer all the obfervations that he has made. I fhall not attempt to imitate his eloquence, and could not do it if I fhould try. He has talked about that great man, general Washington, and faid a great many fine things about him which I cannot repeat. I hope I refpect that man as much as the gentleman from NewYork, but I fhall endeavour to lay afide the feelings that I might otherwife have and keep to the point before the house, and leave him in his grave without disturbing of him. It has nothing to do with the queftion under confideration now.

The gentleman has wandered over a great many fubjects, and he tells us in one breath if we do not adopt this refolution we fhall be skulking in fome places, lurking holds I believe he faid; and in another breath that we fhall be dragged before the almighty judges of the nation.

he would do away all oppofition and party
and unite us like a band of brothers, as he
fo eloquently defcribed it, and all this he
would do by one great and manly exertion,
to pay thefe omnipotent judges and thus
prevent them from dragging us forth to
ihame and punishment.

Sir, my mind has no accordancy with
fuch opinions. We have a good right to
fay whether we want the fervices of thefe
judges or not, and it we do not, we dont
need to pay them. I remember, Sir, laft
year the gentleman told us a likeness of a
boat, and faid, though we would not throw
the man out of the boat, we would take
away the boat from under him, and fo he
would be drowned. Now, Sir, fuppofe I
hire a feaman to work a boat for me and I

tell him that I will give him fo much
during good behaviour, and after a while
the boat becomes rotten and useless to me
--he knows that I hired him to work that
boat and for nothing elfe,-can he come
forward and fay, you fhall pay me for
working that boat where there is none to
work?-So thefe judges, we found that
we had nothing more for them to do,-the
law was useless to us, and we repealed it;
and now fhall thefe judges come and de-
mand their pay?

We are alfo alarmed with a picturation
that the other boufe are going to affume all
the power, unless we let the judges come in
and keep them back. Sir, I am not afraid

The

Does the gentleman recollect that they
are the immediate reprefentatives of the
people, and that the people will judge
whether they conduct well or not.
people dont want thefe judges as guardians
to protect them from the other house nor
from this house, nor any body elfe, unless,
as the gentleman faid laft year, from their
worst enemies themselves. I believe that
the people do not ftand in need of guar-
dians they can take care of themielves
and we need not hire thefe judges to take
care of them.

Si, this honourable fenate is an integral part of the executive, of which the pre-et the other houfe affuming the power. - dent is the head. How then can an inferior and fubordinate part direct the conduct of the fuperior part? It is clear therefore that we have no right as a part of the executive, to order or requeft the prefident to do this. Have we the right then as a part of the legislature? Can the legislature affume upon itself the right of directing the executive? What is it that is intended by this refolution? It is, Mr. Prefident, that the legislature fhall interfere with the executive, and direct the prefident to interfere with the judiciary, for the purpose of getting pay for thefe omnipotent judges. Sir, thefe judges must depend on the legiflative will for their continuance in office, because the legiflature can make laws and repeal them when they pleafe, and when a law is repealed and there is nothing for the judges to do and no office for them to hold they cannot exercife power or receive pay, and this is according to the conftitution. How then can this fenate, by adopting the refolution aid in procuring pay for thefe judges, when they have nothing to do?-Judges they are called-they are not judges-l'fpofe they have been judges.

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The gentleman tells us we are going to be engaged in a war-bloody I fuppofe Yes, no doubt very bloody. And before we get into this dreadful fituation

Sir, we have heard a great deal about com. inon law, and about informations. I wish to know where we are to flop it we begin to authorife our courts to proceed by information. Are there not other kinds of information known to this common law, befides information in the nature of a quo warranto? If we adopt one from the common law may not the courts affume moie. Has the gentleman never heard of perfons being feized and put to death upon information? I wish to know where we are to ftop; and whether we are to follow this common law till it leads us to thofe ermined and royal robes which the gentleman has fo finely defcribed to us. Sir, I believe that we have power without common law or informations to decide upon this petition as well as upon other petitions that are brought before us. The very petitioning of us-what does that import? Does it not import that we have the power and the right of deciding upon the petition? If the judges did not think that we had the power and the right what did they petition us for? I conclude then that we have the power and the right to grant or deny their requeft, and I am therefore free to fay that it is inexpedient to pay them for rendering no fervices.

Be it our weekly task,

To note the passing tidings of the tintes.

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Dudson, March 8, 1803.

On Thursday, the 3d inft. the laft feffion of the feventh Congrefs clofed.

Thomas Thompfon, Efq. a federalift, has been removed from the Poft.Office at Salisbury, N. H. and Mofes Eaftman, One fentiment of the gentleman I high-Efq. a democrat, appointed in his place. ly accord with; and that is what the gentleman fays that force tends to opposition. I believe this is true. The force exercited or attempted to be exercifed by Richard Baffet has highly excited my oppofition to this ref'ution. They have attempted to compafs by force or fraud, I think it is force and fraud both together, the payment of their falaries, and the exercife of powers which have been taken from them and given to others.

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Mr. Prefident, I fhall now make only a fmall remark on the refolution itself, and fit down.

At Philadelphia, on the 15th inst. after a tedious and painful sickness very much lamented by his friends and acquaintance, Mr. LEWIS M. THURSTON, of the house of Proud & Thurston, merchants at Baltimore, and son of Mr. John Thurston, mer

The committee fay in their report that the fenate cannot decide upon the petition, chant, of New York, aged 25 years. His funeral but the judges muft decide it. For this purpofe we must go to the common law.

was respectably attended on the afternoon of the 17th inst. from the house of Mr. John Reynell Coats, and deposited in the Friends' Burial Ground of that city.

The Wreath.

FROM THE PORT FOLIO.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH.

LIFE's tedious journey-though the road
With cypress dark be overcast,
Yet still with passengers 'tis strew'd;
Having four inns for food and rest.
An ample stage-coach figures Fate;
Mankind, the passengers within ;
Time is the coachman; to the gate

To drive them, of their farthest inn.

On this long journey, we suppose,

Man enters when he is but young, And breakfasts at the inn with those, With whom he yet has gone along.

About mid-day him Venus spies,

And begs that he will with her dine, His hostess fair won't let him rise,

Till late he finds his loss of time.

Repentant for what did befal,

Ere yet the day be three-fourths spent, He hies to Learning's famous hall,

Th' abode, he hopes, of mild Content.

Unnumber'd votaries there does view, Who at each other's merit grieve, Contending each with serious brow,

For two or three of Laurel's leaves.

Touch'd with commiseration just,

At the pursuits of such a groupe, He mounts; and ere 'tis night he posts To Friendship's cottage, there to sup.

But ere he has at this repast

Well found a solace to his heart, The stern postillion's voice, aghast, Him once more urgest to depart.

It must be done; his soul succumbs At the remembrance of his woes; Arriv'dhe ñnds his goal the tomb, Wherein at last he finds repose.

SIMILIES

FROM CLIFFTON's POEMS:

A YOUTH WHO DIED, TWO OR THREE YEARS AGO, AT PHILADELPHIA.

"So the poor girl whose bold seducer fl es With steps too rude to seize the virgin prize, Frowns on the wretch who dar'd invade her charms; And all her injured feelings rush to arms,

But soon return'd, he drops an artful tear,
And pours his plaintive sorrows in her ear,
Till treacherous love admits the wily cheat,
And stamps her ruin and her shame compleat.
So Satan once, with "diplomatic skill,"
Rush'd through the tangles of the sacred hill,
Beguil'd the truth of Adam's honest mind
And nail'd the yoke of mischief on mankind.”

Diversity.

EXTRACTS

FROM A MISER'S PRAYER, IN THE NEW-YORK MAGAZINE.

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"GIVE humility to the poor and beggarly, and make them contented under the allotments of thy providence; that fo they may not pefter thy thrifty and faithful fervants with their outcries for charity. Hear, we beseech thee, O Lord, hear the prayers of the widow, and the fatherlefs, and the halt, and the blind, and the old, and the bed-ridden, and relieve their many wants from thy own ftores, and thy own bounty, that fo they may no longer depend for bread upon the fcanty gifts of selfish mortals.

"Save us, we beseech thee, from perifhing by fire. Take this great city especially under thy divine protection; and let a particular large fhare of thy regard be bestowed upon the buildings in third ftreet. Sundry of them, thou knoweft, belong to thy fervant, and but one among them all is brick.

"Have an eye of efpecial regard to Richard Harris, who is now fick almoft unto death. Raise him up once more to be an help and a ftay to his wife and children, and give him wherewithal to pay thy fervánt what he oweth him.

"Be not wroth with the good people of New-Jersey, and especially with the county of Morris, feeing thy ferveant has a mortgage on certain lands in that county.

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If the iniquities of fallen men claim their punishment at thy just hands, and thy anger waxeth hot against my finful neighbour, Francis Settlefides, do not fmite him in his perfon, his wife, or his children, but blow with thy wind and cause a ship of his, that he lately fent to Port Republican with precious commodities, to fink in the midst of the fea; that so it may never arrive, nor the market be overftocked. But hearken to thy fervant's prayer, and let the fame wind only haften the paffage of the good fhip Flying Fifh, whereof is mafter for the prefent voyage, Caleb Strong, which faid fhip belongeth to thy fervant, in partnership with Mr. Michael Holliday, of Boston. Amen.",

AT a public entertainment in Maffachusetts, foon after the death of Washington, a young clergyman at the table was afked for a toast; who gave the following. "The memory of George Washinton" Our Father, Our Father! The chariots of Ifrael, and the horsemen thereof."

[The following anecdote is related in a foreign paper. If correct, it exhibits an interesting trait in the character of the most extraordinary man of the age.]

WHEN M. De Marcouff, in behalf of the Emperor of Ruffia, was fupplicating Bonaparte to commifferate the fituation of the King of Sardinia; which he said must deeply affect his heart: "Inform your "that it is fovereign," fays Bonaparte, not by the heart, but by the head, that the rulers of states fhould be guided in their mode of government."

A GENTLEMAN afked a punfter to pronounce a witticifm extempore. The wit requested him to name a fubject. The replied, is no fubject. gentleman faid, the King-The King, he

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ON THE IMPOLICY OF A SPEEDY ADMISSION
OF ALIENS TO A PARTICIPATION OF

THE RIGHTS

REAL

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EAL republicans, who with an exalted attachment to rational liberty combine an equal love to focial and civil order, do not fpring up and attain to mature growth in a fingle day, like mushrooms; but their minds are gradually moulded to this happy caft by education and habit. The diffevering of the American colonies from the British empire; their act of independence, and their national conftitution, which acknowledges the people to be the fountain of civil power, did not make republicans, but found them already made. || The people generally of feveral of the colonies, tho' connected with and in a manner fubje&ted to a monarchy, were genuine practical republicans. They had been nurfed up, from the earlieft fettlements of the country under republican inflitutions. While habituated to order, they cherishéd the fpirit of freedom, which they had imbibed with their mothers' milk. Their little dependent governments were found. ed in popular elections and reprefentation; and their elections were frequent and generally incorrupt. Add to this the general mediocrity of their circumftances. E. qually removed from the two extremes of wealth and poverty, they were tillers of the ground, mechanics and traders, whofe perfonal industry had afforded them a decent competence. A people thus bred to

habits of order and accustomed to breathe
the air of freedom, chiefly confifting of
fubftantial yeomanry, fupplied proper ma-
terials for building up an independent re-
publican nation.

under anti-republican institutions which had given a peculiar caft to their fentiments, manners and habits, could be immediately confolidated with a free republic, without greatly endangering its peace and safety.

Doctor Tucker, a British writer of confiderable note, fpeaking of the general de

England, fays; "Nay, and when their

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extravagancies have run to that height "as to call for corporal punishment and "the cenfure of the magiftrate, there are no hopes or profpe&t of reclaiming them

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But very different has been and is the ftate of fociety in Europe. Few there can properly be called the people: the great mafs are but little better than vaffals of thepravity of the lower ranks of people in privileged orders, and are fucceffively tranfmitted, like property, from one mafer to another; and whenever large bodies. of them have rifen and burft the chains of the feudal fyftem, they have been seldom feen to flop at the true point of rational liberty. Impatient even of the most neceffary and wholfome reftraints, they have fuddenly rushed from a ftate of thraldom into horrid licentioufnefs; and their steps have been marked with rapine and promifcuous flaughter; till, having fpent their fury, they tamely fubmitted to new mafters. Their infurrections and revolutions, fucceeded by the calm of defpotifm," have refembled a fweeping hurricane, or the terrible eruption of a volcano, which, after defolating the adjacent countries, ceafes its horrible bellowings, and its torrents of flame fubfide.

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Mankind, tho' fpringing from the fame ftock and belonging to the fame great family, are almost infinitely diverfified both in. point of knowledge and morals, by the different influences of the governments under which they live, by the modes and degrecs of their education, and by their various and oppofite cuftoms and habits. None therefore, but a vifionary, would expect that they could be inftantly moulded into one mafs; or that men from different and diftant nations, who had been bred up

by that means. For they have made it "a fort of point of honour to outbrave "the punishment; as for the fhame and "infamy attending it, these things make "now but little impreffion on them; fo "that we have nothing left of discipline "in our places of chaflifement and con

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finement, but the name. For our houf

es of correction, as they are called, are "fo far from anfwering the original ends "of their inflitution, that they corrupt

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more than correct, and harden more than reform; fo as to make the young offender, if fent there, to be ten-fold "more the child of hell than he was be"fore."

As free elections and reprefentation are the great pillars on which our republican government refts, the purity of elections is the yitals of our national freedom. Let me then ferioufly afk, would not the adoption of thousands and tens of thousands of fuch characters as Doctor Tucker here defcribes, have a powerful tendency to ?—Addeftrov the liberties of the nation ?-Admitted, in vaft numbers, to the privileges of fuffrage, would they not prove as poif

onous to the body politic, as arfenic is to the natural body ?The foregoing fentiments of Doctor Tucker were publifhed more than twenty years ago; and it cannot furely be pretended that the scenes which have fince been pafling in Europe could have had any tendency to purify and ameliorate the morals of its inhabitants.

The horrible convulfions in France, which tended to proftrate every veftige of order; connected with the numbers and zeal of the apoftles of infidelity, who purfued the double object of fubverting all civil infti utions and debauching the minds of all claff. es of people from allegiance to their God, corrupted, in innumerable inftances, the innocent, and rendered the vicious much more hardened than they had been before. Therefore, in this view, allowing that fome of the emigrants lately from Europe are worthy and useful people, it is reafonable to conclude that a much greater proportion of their number, than at any former period, confifts of unprincipled and immoral characters, whofe agency in elections and whofe general influence would tend to confuse and corrupt any free government that should adopt them.

ONE OF THE PEOPLE.

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now endeavor to difplace cur rulers ?— Who shall manage thefe concerns hereafter ?

Balance Closet.

LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.

No. IV.

IN our last we exhibited a full-length portrait of democratic consistency. We could now, by recurring to the files of democratic newspapers, present another curious picture. But we deem this needless, if not improper. Democratic printers have no opinions of their own. They are

"tools,

"That knaves do work with,"

They are mercenaries, enlisted in the cause of antifederalism, by some Sergeant Kite; and they take all their motions from a fugleman, placed a few paces in advance of the common ranks. They are like a flock of geese or a drove of sheep. They follow implicitly their ring leader or their bellweather. When such a man as our Attorney-General commands, his cringing followers must obey.* If, therefore, democratic printers act inconsistently, the fault is not theirs, but their masters'. If leaders are inconsistent, obsequious subalterns must be inconsistent also. If democratic leaders profess one thing and practice another—and if they never prac tice nor profess twice alike-how can it be expected that the files of democratic newspapers will wear an uniform appearance? We should as soon expect to see the moon always at full. We should as soon believe that the colour of the cameleon is unchangeable. We might as reasonably suppose that the wind would always blow from one point-as to suppose that a democratic printer could be bound down by the honest rules of consistency and fair dealing. We are astonished, we confess, that all thinking and candid men, who read democratic newspapers, have not, long since, been disgusted with their ridiculous absurdities and contradictions: But knowing, as we do, that this has been the case with many, we console ourselves with the hope and belief that TRUTH will eventually prevail, and that political impostors will 'ere long sink into that contempt and disrepute, which they justly merit.Let the people examine and investigate facts, and we feel confident that liberty, patriotism, honor and virtue will triumph.

With pride and pleasure, we now proceed to re. view the conduct of federalists. On the liberty of the Press, as on every other subject, they have manifested the utmost uniformity and consistency. Their practice and professions have been squared by the same line. They have not, at or、 moment, condemned a measure; and, at the next, applauded

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it. They have not, during one administration, contended for the unbounded licentiousness of the press; and immediately on the commencement of another, attempted to impose previous restraints upon its genuine liberty. On the Sedition Law, they have held but one opinion. This opinion has been freely and openly declared, and steadily maintained. It has been pronounced on the floor of Congress, and from the judicial bench; and never was a federal ist known to 'disclaim it.

We have now before us, the report of a committee of the house of representatives of the United States, to whom were referred, in February, 1799, certain memorials and petitions, complaining of the Alien and Sedition Laws, &c. The following extracts from this report, contain the general ideas of federalists on the liberty of the press :-

"The liberty of the prefs confifts not "in a licence for every man to publish "what he pleafes, without being liable "to punishment it he should abuse this li"cence to the injury of others, but in a "permiffion to publifh, without previous "reftraint, whatever he may think prop

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er, being answerable to the public and "individuals, for any abufe of this per"miffion to their prejudice."

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ment of the conftitution. So far from

this, that as it makes no new offence, it "is no alteration of the criminal code, "only as it enlarges the bounds of de"fence, limits the punishment, and (if "this be an alteration) gives exprefs jurifdiction to the federal courts. It is not injurious either to the conftitution, or to the liberty of the prefs, but is in

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" to revive this law, fir, as

"to a fhield for "the liberty of the prefs, and the freedom of opinion; as a protection to my"felt and those with whom I have the

"tended and adapted for the fupport of "both; for it cannot be too often repeat"ed, that" to cenfure the licentioufnefs "is to maintain the liberty of the prefs."

"This law takes from no man any lib"erty but a liberty of doing mischief."And fo far it is from being true, that "this law is any violation of liberty, that "it may be fafely averred, without fuch

laws, for punishing the abuse of the "freedom of fpeech and of the prefs, lib

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erty cannot be preserved; every man "will be a flave to the malignant paffions "of every other, truth and juftice will be banished, the authority of government deftroyed, and malice, anarchy, contu"fion, and every evil work eltablifhed."

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The opposition of the democrats to the Sedition Law, was a piece of very short sighted policy; as it was a tacit acknowledgment that they wished to bring the federal government into contempt, hatred and disrepute, by the publication of scandalous and malicious FALSHOODS. The Sedition Law punished no man for speaking the TRUTH, nor for honestly expressing his sentiments on politics. It even went so far as to secure to every man prosecuted under it, a right to give in evidence as a justification, the TRUTH OF THE MATTER, contained in the publication charged as a libel. It punished false, scandalous and malicious libels only: and, therefore, none but those who wished to publish falshoods could have any object in opposing it. Honest men felt no uneasiness concerning it as they had no desire to infringe its provisions.—The man who wishes not to shed the blood of his fellow-creature, is not alarmed at the sight of a gallows. The man who feels no inclination to plunder his neigh. bor's purse, complains not of the erection of state prisons. So, the upright citizen, who is not disposed to rob his rulers of their reputation, finds no fault with such a law as that generally termed the "Sedition Law."-But, that

"No rogue e'er felt the halter draw,
"With good opinion of the LAW,"

. Is completely verified in the opposition of the fac tious and unprincipled, to a law which merely had for its object the punishment of the worst of vices. Perfectly secure would the federalists feel, if they were now protected from the rigorous nature of the common law, by the salutary and truly republican provisions of a Sedition Law. Let us be permit ted to speak the TRUTH, with impunity-and we ask, no more.

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We cannot close this number better than by copying the following extract from the speech of Mr Harper, in the house of representatives of the United States, when the question was orought up by the federalists, for reviving the Sedition Law :"We are called on fir, for the reasons why this act fhould now be continued. "I will give my reafons moft freely. "Whether they be the fame with those "which actuate the conduct of other gen"tlemen, I know not, but in my mind "they deferve all confideration. I wish

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happiness and the honor to think on pub"lic affairs, fhould we at any future "time be found by the imbecility or the mistakes of any future adminiftration in "this country, to commence an oppofi"tion againft it; not a factious, profligate and unprincipled oppofition, found"ed on falfhood and mireprefentation, "and catching at the paffions and the prejudices of the moment; but a manly, dignified, candid and patriotic oppofition, addreffed to the good fenfe "and virtue of the nation, and refting on "the basis of argument and truth. Should "that time ever arrive, as it may arrive,

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though I earneftly pray that it may not, "I wish to have this law which allows the "truth to be given in evidence on indict"ments for libels; I wish to have this "law as a fhield. When indicted myfelf, for calmly and candidly expofing the errors of government and the inca"pacity of thofe who govern, I wish to be "enabled, by this law, to go before a ju

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ry of my country, and fay that what I "have written is true. I wish to inter

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pofe this law between the freedom of "difcuffion, and the overbearing fway of "that tyranical fpirit, by which a certain political party in this country is actuated; that fpirit which arrogating to it"felf to fpeak in the name of the people, like fanaticifm arrogating to itfelf to speak in the name of God, knows nei"ther moderation, mercy nor juftice; regards neither feeling, principle nor "right, and fweeps down, with relentless fury, all that dares to detect its follies, "oppofe its progrefs or refift its demination. It is my knowledge of this ipirit, fir, of its frantic exceffes, its unfeeling tyranny, and its intolerable revenge, "that makes me anxious to raise this one "mound between its fury and public lib. erty; to put into the hands of tree dif cuffion, one fhield against its darts."This fhield, I have little doubt, will at length, and perhaps very foon, be torn away; for the fpirit of which I speak, goaded by confcious inferiority, flimu"lated to madnefs, by the envy of fuperi"or talents, reputation and virtue, knows "to brook no check upon its rile, no " cenfure upon its exceffes; but I will "not fanction my own death by my own "voice. I will not yield one barrier to "freedom and the right to opinion, while "I can defend it. I regard this law as “fuch a barrier; eble perhaps indeed, "and ineffectual to check the progrefs of "that tyrannical fpirit which even now can fcarce reftrain its rage; but though feeble, yet dear to freedom, and never

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