Political. [Our readers were informed, in the last Balance, of the manner in which a manuscript, originally sent to the Bee for publication, had been put into our hands. They were also informed that the piece would appear in this paper, unless orders were given to the contrary. We have since received the following introductory remarks from the au thor, with permission to publish the piece.] FOR THE BALANCE. TO THE PEOPLE. 46 deters him from publifhing truth, does he deferve any confidence? When he fears to lay both fides of a queflion before his readers, dogs he merit any fupport ?— Do you, gentlemen, give him fupport with a defign that he fhall keep from you every thing but that which he extracts from the Aurora or Citizen, or which is coined by men whom he dares not difobey? If this paper fhould fall into the hands of any one of you, he is carnestly requested to read the following obfervations-then to recur to the Balance of laft week, and fay if your editor any longer deferves your approbation-if, by an act of meannefs without a parallel, he has not forfeited all title to candour, and if he does not richly merit the deteftation and contempt of all honeft men. MR. HOLT, IN FOR THE BEE. CATO. N your paper of Tuefday laft, "A. Hudfonian" has given his political creed, and wifhes that any error which may be feen in it, fhould be pointed out through the fame channel." The pub. lication of this performance, in your pa per, I confider to be an acquiefcence in the invitation. I fhall, therefore, trouble you with a few remarks, in anfwer. In a government, depending for its permanence upon public opinion, it is of infinite moment that corre&t principles be establifhed. And, if fentiments be publicly advanced, pregnant with mifchief, it is the right, perhaps the duty of any individual, within the fphere of their circulation, to oppofe and correct them. I fubmit to you therefore the following fincere, tho' difpaffionate remarks upon the creed of "An Hudonian ;" to which, I cannot doubt, you will give publicity. THE opinion that the national high court of impeachment, is fufficient to correct the errors of all the officers of our government, who are impeachable," has been very lately confidently advanced, in answer to those who claim the right of inveftigating publicly the conduct of our rulers, and arraigning them at the bar of the people. The argument is a fhort one, and, if correct, will certainly be productive of great pleafure to every lover of liberty. If that court is fufficient," fay the advocates of the powers that be, "then why fhould you federalifts interfere ? When the power of impeachment is preferved by your reprefentatives, you are fate the country is fafe-liberty is fale. You must not prefume to canvals the measures of government: You muff not arraign the conduct of our rulers, becaufe, in fo doing, you interfere with the right of the court of impeachment. You affume a corrective power, which the conflitution has placed in other hands."This argument I believe to be wholly fal lacious and pregnant with mifcinet; and obferving that a correfpondent of the Bee, had adopted the fentiment in its greate latitude, and inviting any one, through the fame chanuel, to oppofe it, I fubmitted the following piece to Mr. Holt. It was believed that, as Mr. Holt had fanétioned the invitation and made it his own, by publifhing it in his paper, he would not hefitate to publifh the anfwer. It was mentioned to me by a friend, to whom I fhewed the piece, that Holt durft not publifh it. I had, however, an honorable confidence in human nature, and believed that no man who made pretenfi ns to any I ought to premife, that this doctrine character, could be guilty of an act of fuch has not until lately been advanced or heard meanness, of such miferable difingenuoufof-that even during that period, which nefs as I have now witnelled in this fame has been caufelefsly figmatized by the epHolt. The Balance of last week difplaysthet " Reign of Terror," when the rethe baseness of his conduct. It is as far beneath animadverfion, as he is beneath refentment. He was probably meant for a man therefore, I pity and difmifs him. But to the readers of that paper, it will be proper to fav one word. When an editor places Limfelt in a fituation, which The principal article of this creed is contained in the following words : 46 66 66 I believe that the national high court of impeachment, as eftablished by the Conflitution of the United States, is fufficient to corre&t the errors of all officers of government, who are impeachable." publicans were fo highly alarmed at the alledged power and prerogatives of prefident Adams, at the unconflitutional ramparts raised around him, and the mea'ures adopted to fhield him from wi ful and falf flander, never did the iederabits advance fuch an argument, in juftification of their conduct. Nay, it during that period, it had been advanced, I am fatisfied every one who called himfelf a republican, would have seen in it the feeds of a fyftem calculated to deftroy all executive relponfibility to the people. We fhould beware then, leaft confiding too much in the men, who now manage our affairs, we yield a principle and eftablith a protection which bad men may use to the worst of purposes. We should be. ware, left in a paroxifm of joy and gratitude to our prefent rulers, we, like the Dutch, who adored their Prince, offer up our rights at the fhrine of affection. If the argument be correct, that the Prefident's liability to impeachment is a fufficient fecurity, it follows, conclufive. ly, that the prefent mode of electing that officer, at ftated periods, is idle-a farce at moft. For, of what ufe can elections be, if the electors are not permitted to be informed of the private and official behaviour of him whom they are to ele&t? If this court of impeachment is fufficient to correct the errors of all officers of government," why are elections dire&ted to be held at flated periods ?-or indeed why elections at all? Why not make him Prefident for life, fubje&t to removal by con. viction on impeachment? Or, at leaft, why not take the right of election of Prefident from the People, and lodge it at once in Congrefs? It" impeachment is fufficient to correct all errors of the Pref. ident," as the creed intimates, why was not fomething like this done and the trouble and expence of his election, by the People, faved? No-the fages, who fram ed our conflitution, thought otherwife. They thought, and fo they exprelled their thoughts in the conflitution, that although impeachment might grafp and punish the overt act, the maturity of crimes-fill, fome more filent, more fure and perfect corrective was neceffary to fweep away the first tymptoms of corruption, to deftroy every traitorous plot in embryo, and to eftablish a more perfect refponfibility of the Prefident to his conftituents. Such a corrective is periodical elections. The government of the United States, as of the individual States, is a govern. ment of the People. And the executive, which Mr. Jefferfon has very properly termed the monarchical department of the government, has always been reprefented as peculiar for its fondnels of power and confequently of making encroachments upon the rights, not only of the popular departments, but alfo of the people them. felves. For the purpofe of counterbalancing the influence, which by patronage and otherwile the prefident may obtain, the conftitution has provided, that during the four years for which he is elected, he may be removed for mal-adminiftration. At the termination of this period, it has alfo provided, that the people may either elect or reject him as they are pleafed or difpleafed either with his public or private conduct, or both. When Congrefs exercife their right of impeachment, every enquiry is made, full investigation is had, before the Prefident is convicted, removed, or acquitted. And for the same reafon, and by the fame rale, that the Senate, when judging him on impeachment, fhould have correl and full information of his conduct, ought the people, when they exercile their right of ELECTING or REJECTING, to have correct information, to have the truth told them, that they may exercife that important right with propriety and fafety. They fhould know the whole conduct of their Prefident, the whole truth fhould be laid before them, which never can happen if truth itself is a libel, according to the doctrine advanced in the cafe of Crofwell. The President's liability to impeachment, therefore, fo tar from being a fufficient fecurity, fo far from being intended to fhield his conduct from public investigation, is defigned to render him more dependant upon the people. Firft, he is dependant on the people for an election for the term of four years. During that time, was there no fuch thing as an impeachment, he would be firmly feated in power and independent of his conftituents.But by means of impeachment, he is every moment dependant upon them; for during that time, they, by their reprefentatives, may impeach and remove him. And at the expiration of that time, if the people do not like his character or his meafures, they may refufe to elect him. Thus he is in every refpect emphatically the man of the people. and libertines; fuppofe, he fhould refuse all converfation with the grave men of our land, and fill his councils with profli gate favorites, feditious foreigners, the refuse of other nations; fuppofe, he should publicly profefs infidelity, and patronize atheifm; and thus, by his pernicious example, corrupt the morals and religion of the republic, whofe only fure foundation is the People's virtue; fuppofe, he should remove from office the beft men, and fill their places with the worst; fuppofe, by lowing the feeds of corruption in the legiflature, and by availing himself of their ignorance and paffions, and of his own extenfive influence, he fhould induce them to pafs laws, violating the conftitution, and deftru&tive to the public good; fuppofe, that with the confent of fuch a legiflature, he fhould fquander away millions of the public property. All these cafes, and a multitude of others, impeachment cannot reach. What then is the remedy? If the truth cannot be told, if fuch conduct cannot be held up to the view of the people, either through the prefs, or through verbal difcuffion, or both, thofe evils can never be corrected. Crimes may be committed with impunity, deftructive of national honor, degrading to national character. The adminiftration, exalted above the reach of popular inveftigation, fecure from impeachment, would feel no restraint, would riot in licentioufnefs, feed on corruption, and there would be none to make them afraid. Such is the inefficiency of impeachment, even when promptly and rigidly exercifed. What then muft it be, when we confider, that the Prefident and his Congrefs are generally of one party; and that it will feldom it ever happen, that they who perhaps participate in his iniquities, would become honeft accufers or upright judges of their leader? Muft it not be a mere fhade, a thing of found but not of fubflance? Shall I be anfwered that this ftate of things is imaginary, that it can never be realized? Let experience fpeak." But it is eafily feen that by acceding to the principle, that IMPEACHMENT IS SUFFICIENT TO CORRECT EVERY ERROR of every officer who is impeachable, the people yield the right of investigating the conduct, of publifhing, even the truth, of their rulers. And it is as eafily to be feen that if this right is yielded, the people can never exercife their right of election underftandingly. And, furely, in fuch a ftate of things, the right of fuffrage would not be worth preferving. One check upon power, which the conflitution has pro-peachable crimes, and grofs violations of vided, would thus be undermined. Its fubftance would be gone forever, and its form would exift only to remind us of our folly. But, Mr. Holt, let me afk your corref pondent, for what is the Prefident impeachable? For treafon, bribery, and other high crimes and mifdemeanours.Suppose, then, the Prefident fhould become a drunkard; fuppofe, he fhould give himself up to the gratification of his paffions, and make the houfe, furnished by the country, a feraglio, the haunt of rakes The republican party (with you and your correfpondent) believed that Mr. Adams was guilty of the moft atrocious crimes against his country. Not only, all the cafes above fuppofed, but actual im the conftitution, were charged upon him. The evils of his adminiftration were declared to be intolerable; and accufations of unheard of crimes were publifhed, repeated and reiterated-infomuch that the day of Mr. Jefferfon's election was hailed as the day of deliverance from Ariftocracy, Corruption, Monarchy and Ruin. Yet numerous as were the grievances complained of, enormous as were the iniquities faid to be practifed, high as the public execration actually was, no impeachment was ever moved for, no pun no im ishment was ever inflicted. No, the refort was immediately to the people. 'Twas the prefs, which enabled the party to raife fuch a turmoil in the country.—And, by an unbridled ufe of the prefs, they obtain ed the victory. If the Prefident's liak. ity to impeachment is fufficient to corre his errors, how happened it, in a flate of things defcribed, as fo portentous of it, THE PEOPLE, not the high court of im peachment, were reforted to. Why did it not avail to correct the alledged errors and crimes of the Adams adminiftration. Your correfpondent will probably anfwer, that a majority of Congrefs were of the fare party, had participated in his errors, an that, had impeachment been attempie, they would have fhielded and prote him. No other anfwer can be given by his accufers. And this completely exp fes the error, the weak nefs, of your cer refpondent's creed. For if fuch a ftate things has exifted-and exifted too, in th very infancy of our government, who fhall fay it will not again occur? Where then is the SECURITY of IMPEACHMENT? Where do we find its SUFFICIENCY to cor rect the errors of our officers? No, if fuch a late of things, as the republicans repre fented, and now reprefent, that of the Adams adminiftration, fhould again occur, and the truth might not be published, the adminiftration might progrels in its iniqui ties with fafety-our liberties be destroy. ed, and our all be gone, before a whifper of danger could reach our ears. The liberties of all free nations have been fubverted by thofe in whom the peo ple implicitly confided. THIS IMPOR TANT TRUTH IS STAMPED, IN GLARING CAPITALS, ON THE TOMB-STONE OF EV ERY DEPARTED REPUBLIC. The People, in a paroxism of affection and gratitude, felect fome one who, as they believe, can do no wrong, lodge rights and powers in his hands, protect him from public invefti gation, and in fome evil moment, when, with the firen fong of "The People, "The People," he has foothed their jeal oufy and palfied their vigilance, he intrenches himself in power and authority and fets at defiance all refponfibility.Ambition prompts the demagogue to court and flatter the people; and, by that courtfhip and flattery, the road to defpotifm is plain and certain. Thus, Cæfar became the defpot of Rome. Thus, the Republic of England was fubverted by Cromwell; and thus, latterly Bonaparte has fubverted the liberties of France. We have nothing to fear from those we diffruft-every thing from thofe whom we delight to honor. Of the former we think it the most brilliant of our privile ges to fpeak and print as we like-of the latter we are affiduous to hide the faults. But, when their tools demand, that we fhould not suffer even the truth to be told the capture of a vaft number of French olution to fhut up the Elbe, and exclude 66 The most active preparations for a vindictive and fanguinary war were making in France, Holland, and Great Britain;while the prefles on both fides groaned un of them, it is time-it becomes our impe- WERE EMPHATICALLY THE Hudfon, August 11th, 1803. Be it our weekly task, CATO. To note the passing tidings of the times. Hudson, August 23, 1803. The U. S. frigate John Adams, has taken and fent into Malta, the Tripolitan fhip which lay fo long at Gibraltar. She was captured off Tripoli the 24th May.. FOREIGN SUMMARY, From the Boston Centinel, of August 10. Since our last we have had feveral arrivals from Europe. They furnish Paris papers to the 11th, and London papers to the 18th June. The prominencies of the intelligence, are,-The furrender of the Electorate of Hanover to the French; the entry of French troops into the German city of Bremen, and the imperial city of Hamburgh; the confifcation of the British property found therein ;-the declaration of war by Great Britain againft Holland ;-and 66 to In England, the Government does not appear to pay the fmalleft regard to the French threats.-It, however, is augmenting its navy force with the utmost vigour. -The feamen are to be augmented to 120,000 men ; and fuch has been the late failors enter in great numbers.-In one unparalleled fuccefs of their cruizers, that day only, twenty-two prizes arrived at Plymouth, nine of which were French and ten Dutch; the other three were neutrals fufpected of having French or Dutch property on board.-The Parliament had granted the ufual war taxes; and addrefles to the King. approbatory of the war, were finging in all parts of the kingdom. -In thefe addreffes the city of London had taken the lead. The war appeared popular with the British people; and the fame windows which fixteen months fince beamed with "Peace and Plenty," on the Proclamation of peace; blazed, on the late celebration of the King's birth day, with reprefentations of " Bellona's car," and "Britons ftrike home." At Catskill, on the 15th inst. after a very short and distressing sickness, Colonel GEORGE HALE, in the 45th year of his age. He was interred on the 16th, with military honors; and a funeral orntion was pronounced by the Rev. Mr. Porter. Lo! soft remembrance drops a tear, And virtuous friendship stands a mourner here! If the estimable and amiable virtues, engrafted in a discerning and well cultivated mind; if a remark. able attachment to Order, which is "Heaven's first law;" if incorruptible integrity, in private and pub. lic life; if fair unblemished morals, and unsullied honour; if uniform and unaffected respect to the christian institutions; if fidelity, affection and philanthropy, in the domestic and social relations; if private worth and public usefulness-can endear man to his fellow men- -the memory of Col. HALE will be embalmed in the bosoms of his numerous and respectable friends and acquaintance. On Tuesday last, at Loonenburgh, very suddenly, the wife of Mr. Cornelius Tobey, in the 40th year of her age. At Red-Hook Landing, on Monday the 8th inst. of a quick consumption, JoHN M. P. LIVINGSTON, second son of Gilbert R. Livingston, Esq. in the 19th year of his age. At Hadley, Mass. on the 25th ult. of a consumptive complaint, Mr. JOHN DWIGHT, aged 19 years, son of the Rev. Timothy Dwight, D. D. President of Yale College, a young gentleman of very promising talents and uncommon worth. In this city, on Wednesday evening last, Capt. FROM THE PORT FOLIO. The Rev. W. L. Bowles, the author of a series of sonnets, incomparably the best in the English tongue, and, neither in tenderness nor sweetness, inferior to those of Petrarch, has published a descriptive Poem, of some length, entitled St. Michael's Mount.' In the beginning of this Poem we find an invocation and a simile, so poetically and so sublimely expressed, that I will venture to transfer them to the Port Folio, for the edification of those, who, like myself, some times love to sit up late, in the evening, for the sake of conversing with a Bard. That deck with varied shade thy hoary brow; Than when the Summer suns in pomp go down. And such is he, who clad in homely weeds, And boasting little more than nature needs, Can wrap him in contentedness, and wear A port unchang'd in seasons rude or fair. His may be Fancy's sunshine, and the Muse May deck his visions with her fairest hues ; And he may lift his honest front, and say, To the hard storm, that rends his locks of grey, "I heed thee not ;" he, unappall'd may stand, Beneath the cloud, that shades a sinking land, While heedless of the storm, that onward sweeps, Mad, impious Riot his loud wassal keeps, Pre-eminent in native worth; nor bend, Though gathering ills on his bare head descend: And when the wasteful storm sweeps on its prey, And rends the kingdoms of the world away, He, firm as stands the rock's unshaken base, Yet panting for a surer resting place, The human hurricane unmov'd can see, And say "O, GOD, my refuge is in thee." TO HOPE.. AH, woe is me! from day to day I drag a life of pain and sorrow: Yet false, and cruel as thou art, Diversity. AGENTS FOR THE BALANCE, The following gentlemen are authorised to receive subscriptions and payments for the Balance: State of New YorkCity of New-York, W. Coleman, editor of the Evening Post. Poughkeep. sie, N. Power, Printer. Kinderhook, D Ludlow, Post-Master. Albany, Daniel and Samael Whi ting. Kingston, Mr. J. C. Elmendorf. Owega Village, E. Dana, P. M. Union, Charles Stone. Bath, D. Cameron, Post-Mater, and Samuel S. Haight. Walton, Elias Butler. Batavia, Sandford Hunt, Post-Master. Rhinebeck, A. Potter, P. M. Whitestown, R. Leavenworth. Johnstown, N. Brewster, P. M. Canandaigua, Norton & Rich. ards. Schenectady, J. Shurtleff, P. M. Geneva, Mr. Samuel Colt, or the P. M. Troy, T. Collier, Printer. Herkimer, C. Woodruff, P. M Lansingburgh, Mr. Tracy, Printer. Marcellus, Ebenezer Rice. Utica, the P. M. Minden, J. Her kimer, P. M. Catskill, M. Croswell, Printer. Cocp. erstown, Mr. Griffen, P. M. Salem, Mr. Dodd, Printer. Clinton, J. Simonds, Post Master. Pumpcy, Daniel Wood-P. M. Maryland. Baltimore, G. L. Gray, editor of the Anti Democrat. A CERTAIN novel writer takes an opportunity in one of his volumes, where he abufes the trade of an author, to introduce Job, faying, "O that mine enemy had written a book!" which he affirms to be the bittereft wifh that ever tell from lips. This may, or may not, be his opin- Connecticut.-New-Haven, Elias Beers. Hartion, fays a London wit; but I differ with ford, H. & G. Printers. Danbury, Ebenezer R. him as to the imprecation, and think he White, P. M. Sharon, G. King, jun P.M. himself might have equalled, nay improv- New-London, Mr. Green, Printer. Farmington, ed its feverity, by this flight alteration; Oh! that mine enemy were obliged to read my book! That would indeed have been a job for Job himself. [P. Folio.] S. Richards, P. M. Norwich, Mr. Hubbard, Printer. Pennsylvania. -Wilksbarre, Thomas Welles, Wyalusing, Ezekiel Hyde. Williamsport, S. E Grier, P. M. Georgia Savannah, Seymour & Woolhopter, Massachusetts. WHEN Julius Cefar, who was an u furper, was told of the danger of expofing Printers. Augusta, Alexander Grant. himfelf without a guard, he replied, that conftantly to fear death was to be conftantly fuffering its torments, and he would not die but once. Bonaparte has tho't better of the matter; and never appears without a ftrong guard. TERMS OF THE BALANCE. To City Subscribers, Two Dollars and fifty cents, payable in quarterly advances. To Country Subscribers, who receive their papers at the office Two Dollars, payable as above. To those who receive them by the mail, Two Dollars, exclusive of postage, payable in advance. A handsome title-page, with an Index or Table of Contents, will be given with the last number of each volume. Advertisements inserted in a conspicuous and handsome manner, in the Advertiser which accom. panies the Balance. Complete files of the first volume, which bave been reserved in good order for binding, are for sale -Price of the volume, bound, Two Dollars and fif ty cents-unbound, Two Dollars. The whole may be sent, stitched or in bundles, to any post-office in the state, for 52 cents postage; or to any post-office in the union for 78 centa -Boston, Mr. Hastings, P. M. Plymouth, William Goodwin. Nantucket, W. Coffin, P. M. Worcester, I. Thomas, jun. Prin ter. Salem, T. C. Cushing, J. Dabney. Leicester, the P. M. Williamstown, II. F. Penfield, Wil liams' College. Stockbridge, H. Jones, P. M. Lanesborough, M. Welles, P. M. Pittsfield, Ash bel Strong. Greenfield, Mr. Denio, Printer, Northampton, S. Butler, P. M. Randolph, W. P. Whiting, P. M. Great-Barrington, M. Hop. kins. P. M. Augusta, Peter Edes, Printer. New Jersey. Trenton, Sherman and Mershon, Printers. New Hampshire-Hanover, the P. M. Salis bury, Thomas Thompson. Keene, John G. Bond, P. M. Walpole, G. Huntington, P. M. Mr. Livingston, in his memorial, makes upon this fubje&t fome very pertinent remarks, which are well worthy of notice and confideration. Speaking of France, he fays, "Her foil, climate, and local fituation give her, as a commercial, and efpecially as a manufacturing nation, great advantages over all the nations of Europe. The 1pirit of invention, the taste and induftry of its inhabitants, place her in the fi: ft rank. But thofe advantages are wonderfully abridged by the want of capitals fufficient to make ufe of them. A rival nation, greatly inferior in every one of thefe particulars, has by the effect alone of an immenfe capital, obtained the fupe- || channel ;" and that "the expence of fuch 66 Capitals increase the number of manufactures, by the introduction of machines, by the regular payment of workmen, by the reduction of the interest of money, and especially by the poffeffion of new markets." ** The honourable memorialit proceeds to point out the injurious coníequences of "ufing the capitals of the nation in diftant countries;" of "multiplying points of defence;" and of " fquandering away the capitals they want at home." He flates that notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the Weft-India Ilands, "It is folly to believe that they will yield to France a compenfation for her actual outfets, unless it be after a great many years;" and that the national expenditures will increafe with her colonies." He incidentally mentions The pains, the expences and lofs of men, which are infeparable from new fettlements, in a marfly country and a burning climate; the invafions of Indians; the infurrection of flaves," || &c. He puts the question, "Has France a fuperfluity of men and money great enough to justify the fettling of a new colony ?" He remarks that "tho' fettled for one century, Louifiana has never profpered under the French or Spanifh Government ;" that "one century at leaft will pafs away, before France may want poffeffions of that kind;" that its fettlement by the French would divert capitals from a much more important Thefe juft and weighty remarks of the honourable memorialift, while they prove that France would inevitably be impov erifhed by diffipating its capitals in the fettling of Louifiana, do alfo apply, even with much greater force, to the United States. It cannot furely be pretended that there is in this country "a fuperfluity of money." It has no mines of gold and filver; and all the money it poffeffes or that it ever can acquire, has been and must be purchased from foreign countries, by the labour of its inhabitants. If indeed there were now a large national capital in the public treafusy, it would be needed at home, for the inftruction of children wherefchools at private expence are impracticable, and for a great variety of other useful and neceflary improvements among a young and increafing people: but inflead of poffeffing a clear capital in cafh, this nation is loaded with a great debt,-the price, in part, of its independence. So lately as fourteen or fifteen years ago, an extreme fcarcity of money was felt throughout the Union. Lands and almoft every fpecies of property tell, in fome places, more than fifty per cent.—— Public and private embarraffinent and diftrefs was the confequence; and many families were ruined. A concurrence of remarkable incidents, fuch as in their full combination, will probably never happen again, poured into this country, during the convulfions in Europe, an abundance of cash. Such ftreams of gold and filver no longer flow in upon our fores: the current has turn |