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The volume before us contains a re- in the cause of Irish Protestantism, publication of six of the speeches de- and the fervid eloquence of these adlivered by Mr. O'Sullivan, during the dresses is but the outbreaking of the latter part of the year 1834. It is of enthusiasm of the speaker's soul,—and course in the recollection of our surely never did enthusiasm kindle in readers, that it was with the meeting a nobler cause, or one more calculated at the Mansion-house, in the August to call into high and elevated action of that year, that the impulse then every generous impulse and emotion of happily given to Protestant exertion our nature. commenced. In the efforts of Pro- Our object is not now a critical extestant energy, consequent upon that im- amination of the character of these pulse, the Rev. Gentleman has borne a speeches.- The task of analyzing the distinguished part.- We do not know merits of a living orator is never an upon what grounds of preference the six easy, and not always a pleasant one ; addresses now presented to the public and although, in the present instance, have been selected from the many elo- we would feel less difficulty, in apquent and powerful appeals which proaching addresses upon which public their author has made to public meet- approbation has been so eminently and ings both in Ireland and England.- so abundantly bestowed, and with We certainly are convinced that many respect to which our own judgment of those omitted are even more worthy altogether coincides with that of the of preservation and attention, than public, although we might feel less any which the present publication con- hesitation in commending, and perhaps tains.

also less delicacy in finding fault-(for It is not, however, for us to quarrel critics must always find fault,) we have with the selection. In the speeches determined, upon consideration, that before us there is quite enough of the time is not yet come when these truth and power to entitle the volume addresses can, in any publication, be to be regarded as the Statement of the submitted to the cool sobriety of disCase of the Protestants of Ireland. passionate criticism. Party feelings Before any impartial tribunal we must die away, and party prejudices should be willing that our case should be forgotten before political producrest upon this statement-we would tions can be divested of their party not desire an abler or a more disinte- character, and be contemplated purely rested advocate, or one more devoted as the efforts of intellectual power. to our cause. LOf him we may em- It might not be an uninteresting phatically say, that his whole heart is matter of reflection to consider, with

• Case of the Protestants of Ireland Stated: in Addresses delivered at Meetings in Dublin, Liverpool, Bristol, and Bath, in the year 1834. By the Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan, A.M. With an Appendix, containing Copious Notes. London : John Hatchard and Son, 187 Piccadilly; and W. Curry, Jun. and Co. Sackville-street, Dublin. 1836.

Vol. VIII.

B 2

regard to present fame, the respective any other department of mental exerpositions of the politician and the man tion, where prejudice is not the judge. of letters. Regarding them both as Professional reputation has, in reality, candidates for intellectual distinction, been the sustaining power to many a they present some curious points of one whose fame appears to rest altocontrast. It may be a truth to be la- gether upon his political exertions. mented, but nevertheless it is a truth, We have been led into reflections that no one is ready to allow intellec- which are perhaps irrelevant. We do tual power to a political opponent,- not mean to apply these remarks paron matters where men's passions are ticularly to the speeches before us. excited, it is impossible for them to We believe that the merits of these judge impartially. It is natural for us speeches have been, in an unusual deto deny the powers of an argument gree, acknowledged by all parties,– that fails to convince our judgment,- their force has certainly been recogand to question the existence of ta- nized in the obloquy with which their lents which we imagine to be exerted author has been visited by our oppoon the wrong side. Hence it is that nents.-From what we have said, howwe find such a wonderful difference in ever, our readers will understand what the opinions expressed upon the we mean when we say, that the time speeches of politicians, by men who is not yet come, when these addresses might be supposed equally capable of can be calmly contemplated merely as forming a correct estimate upon their the productions of intellect. They are purely literary merits.— The very speech mixed up with all the exciting topics of which one man will tell you, in all the day; and it is not until these topics sincerity, may take its place among shall have ceased to possess such trethe finest specimens of eloquence, an- mendous interest, and to involve so other, equally competent to form an much of angry feeling, that the reader opinion, will denounce as not exhibit- will regard them with the sobriety of ing a particle of genius,--and anoma- feeling which is necessary to an imparlous as it may appear, each may be- tial judgment. We confess, for ourlieve what he says.— The truth per- selves, that we cannot read the burnhaps is, that while in every other de. ing description of the wrong3 of Propartment of mental exertion the aspi- testants, without remembering that we rant after fame may look for the un- belong to the class upon whom those biassed suffrages of all who can appre. wrongs have been inflicted. We do ciate his efforts, the man who brings not pretend to be cool or impartial the highest faculties to the contest of judges of the eloquence that advocates political strife, must wait until that our rights.—and yet, perhaps it is a strife has subsided, for the full tribute high tribute to that eloquence to say, to his genius ; and, in the meantime, that while our hearts burn with the be content with the admiration of a sense of the injuries heaped upon party. In times of great excitement, Irish Protestants, we are satisfied with political parties will only acknowledge the manner in which these injuries the intellectual powers of an opponent have been told. when they are forced to do so-and We do not, then, intend to criticise they will iake the earliest opportunity these speeches. We say, honestly, we of recalling the forced homage to his are not qualified for the impartial exeabilities.

cution of the task. Neither are our For this reason, the man who strug- opponents. Our party prejudices must gles for intellectual eminence in the slumber, and our party animosities be field of political strife, is engaged in a forgotten before strict and unbiassed contest the most arduous, and in which judgment can be done to them. When success is the most difficult. Of those men's feelings are no longer excited, who are qualified to set a value upon either for or against the politician, ability, he might almost be said to ex- they will then, and only then, set preclude himself from the suffrages of cisely the just value upon the orator. one-half. For this reason, too, no

Renouncing, then, as far as may be, a thing will more tend to sustain a poli- task for which our circumstances unfit tician in public estimation, as a man of us, we will consider this volume as a ability, than distinction acquired in political document,-as embodying

laid up.

and advocating the principles of the the suburbs of the metropolis. Crime course in which we are engaged. This was encouraged by his indiscriminating certainly is the spirit in which these forbearance; information was withheld speeches are given to the world from the government, because it was not they are reprinted, not to secure the unreasonably thought, he undervalued or speaker's reputation, but to promote neglected it; and when the natural rethe cause in which they were originally sult of mistaken indulgence and culpable spoken. Weapons prepared for con

remissness had been experienced, when flict, we will employ them in the strife evils, which Mr. Grant appears never to —when the battle is over, it will be have anticipated, were fearfully realized, for others to examine their construc.

he made an imperfect, although melantion in the armoury where they will be choly compensation for the crippled gait

at which his disabled justice had pro

ceeded, by stimulating it into revenge. The first speech in the collection, is He assented to an act of parliament which that delivered at the great meeting at suspended the constitution, and subjected the Mansion House on the 14th Au- the rural population to the rigor of an gust. Nearly two years have passed extreme, but unavoidable severity. I since its delivery, but almost every remember well the days and the nights word of it is strictly applicable at the of his lax government, and of the rigid present time. The object of it was to rule by which it was succeeded. I reinculcate the necessity of Protestant member when it was described as the union—a necessity which every hour last business of the night, before retiring is making more imperative. The sen- to repose, within a guarded and garrisoned tence with which it opens, possesses

town, to ascend to the house-tops, and at this moment a fearful truth.

count, over the unprotected lands, the “ The circumstances under which we

flames in which, it might be, slumbering

families were consumed, and to listen for meet, and the animating addresses to

shouts and shrieks which smote the stimuwhich you have so fully responded, bave lated sense, or disordered fancy created, taught you this stern but salutary truth, but which the memory will retain for that now, for the protection of your dear

I remember, too, when shrieks, est interests, for the maintenance of your religion, for defence of life, except in the

more terrific than fancy ever heard, arose

round the tribunals where the doom of resources which your own wisdom, and union, and resolution shall provide, you pounced—and at the gibbets, where con

sudden and life-lorg separation was pro. have no earthly dependence."

ciliation suspended its sacrifices; and I We will not attempt to preserve can in all sincerity declare, that I do not connection as to subjects. Our readers know whether I thought the connivance will, no doubt, recollect the circum- of the supive Secretary more to be abstances attending the period of the horred because of the foul atrocities it delivery of each speech—and this will encouraged, or because it exacted from be sufficient to enable them to under- returning justice so terrible a retribution. stand our extracts. The reverend Does your experience of Mr. Grant gentleman had been urging the possi- justif: you in expecting that he will be a bility of the question of repeal being frithtul and ivise' guardiau of the legislacarried. He argued, from the charac- tive union ?” ter of his Majesty's ministers, the im

There is in this passage the terrible probability of their offering to it any eloquence of truth. Conciliation !—it effectual opposition. Several of these has shed more blood—it has caused ministers had been in places in which

more misery in Ireland than years of they were well known to the Irish public.

Let us , begin with Lord peace and happiness could alone for. Glenelg—

It means supineness—it means the

suspension of the power of the law, « The Right Hon. Charles Grant was until murder and outrage have swelled a Secretary here, and tried his experiment to massacre and insurrection-and of indulgence, as the true philosophy by peace can only be restored by a venwhich he could sway our fiery populace. geance almost as terrible as the crimes What was his success ? He conciliated which it suppresses.

How much of the country into insurrection-an insur- bloodshed and crime can a little vigour rection which extended its outrages to in the commencement spare ?


Under present circumstances we will establishment of the country, I consider say nothing of Lord Melbourne. Let it necessary for the security of all prous pass on to the allusion to the Chan- perty. I think that there should not only cellor- Lord Plunkett.

be an Established Church, but that it “We have here a noble Lord (our nitaries may be able to take their places

should be richly endowed that its dig. Chancellor) appointed, that he might guide one Viceroy into the right way, in society with the nobles of the land. retained, that he may keep another in it.

But politically speaking, I have no hesiWhat has been his political life? More tation in saying that the existence of the remarkable for its failures than even for Protestant Establishment in Ireland is the the rare talents which render such failures great bond of union between the two incomprehensible. He never made a

countries; and if ever the unfortunate pledge which was not violated by the moment arrives, when the legislature parties in whose bebali he made it; or

shall rashly lay their hands upon the gave in their name a promise which they property of the Church, to robit of its did not break : he never uttered, a pre doom of the union, and terminate for

rights>that moment, sir, will seal the diction which events did not falsify, or carried through the Houses of Parliament ever the connexion between the coun

tries." a legislative enactment, upon which, in the circumstances of its failure, rashness

We have said that we quote this or imbecility was not made manifest. I do the noble Lord wrong.

There was

passage for its far political foresight.

We cannot help feeling strongly upon find that he has been disastrously faith the subject of its prophecy. Perhaps ful. He has erected one monument, of

we may be regarded as insane if we which as a creation of eloquence and venture to say that never was there taste, Ireland may justly be proud. It

a time when that prophecy appeared is that in which he has dedicated him. more likely to attain its accomplishself with his children, born and unborn, ment. Events seem all to be tending to the maintenance of an eternal hatred towards the national independence of to the principle of a legislative union. Ireland. It is not because a demaThe malediction which, upon the occa

gogue, who was never in earnest upon sion of that dedication, he invoked, ap- any question, has been purchased into pears to have persecuted him during his a convenient silence upon the subject subsequent life, and to have blasted every of repeal, that the impulses of Ireland's measure he attempted for the interests of heart may not begin to beat with the the united country. Will you trust to longing desire to see Ireland once Lord Plunkett to preserve your interests; again a nation. It is not because agi. and believe that while he listens to the tation for repeal has ceased, that the wrench and the file at work upon what he complicated machinery of events may declared the sole stay of British connexion, not all the while be working out this his active mind is employed in fabricating great result. There is a course of some new bonds by which the severed human events—a destiny of nations countries may be reunited ?"

which neither demagogues nor minisThere are few of our readers who ters can control and it is not from will not understand the allusion con- one indication or two indications, that tained in the strong and expressive we form our judgment, when we say, figure we have quoted. Once more that (if we may use the expression) the will we quote the solemn judgment tide of Ireland's destiny has set strongly which Lord Plunkett has left on re- in towards national independence. cord, on the subject to which it refers. Events, apparently the most opposite We do so in no spirit of bitterness in their character, are in reality comtowards the noble and learned Lord. bining to produce effects that sooner It is not to add another word of in- or later will manifest themselves as vective against an apostacy on which having prepared the way for the dethe scorn of all parties has already taching of Ireland from England. Let been, perhaps too abundantly, poured. the principles of government, which, We quote the declaration for its truth by a strange misnomer, are called -its deep wisdom—its far political liberal, but continue in the ascendancy foresight :

for a few years, and their action upon "Sir, with respect to the Protestant the elements of our social state in Ire.

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