THE idea of a League of Nations for the enforcement of permanent peace has now at last emerged from the luminous mists of idealism into a definite plan which, although still not quite perfect in various respects, is sufficiently advanced to furnish at least a foundation for a permanent edifice, and can now profitably receive the criticism of well-wishers as well as of skeptics. The scheme is in some points vague and in some it is obscure; that is to say, it is doubtful what precisely are the cases which the words are intended to cover, and it is not always clear what the words mean in their application to these particular cases. Some of these obscurities are to be found in the most delicate and important parts of the plan, as I shall presently explain. Any criticisms that may have to be made ought to be made in an indulgent spirit, because the difficulties of forming any workable plan are immense. They are greater than can be present to the mind of any person who has not thought a good deal upon the subject, and has thereby come to realize the great number of thorny problems which it raises. A group of competent lawyers and pub

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licists all belonging to the same country and sitting down to frame a scheme would find these problems hard enough. How much harder must it be, then, to frame any plan which would commend itself to the representatives of a number of different Great Powers, each of whom enters on the subject with preconceived ideas, national tendencies of view, ancient prejudices, and perhaps even a special personal view of the national interests involved. The Conference deserves the heartiest recognition of the friends of peace for having accomplished so much as it has done, and it doubtless feels that its work is capable of improvement by intelligent criticism and more prolonged study.

The general treaty, to which the name of 'Covenant' is given, is intended to cover the whole field in which the combined action of the powers who are to form the league can work for the peace of the world, and for the solution of questions affecting the relations of particular peoples. This Treaty or Covenant falls into two parts. One relates primarily to the preservation of world-peace, while the other contemplates and seeks to pro

vide for a number of spheres of action in which nations may coöperate with one another for various common ends. The constitution and scope of the league may be considered under three heads: First, the organs of the league; second, the powers to be exercised by those organs; third, the obligations which the members of the league undertake.

The organs are two. One, called the Executive Council, is to consist of 'representatives of the five Great Powers the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, together with the representatives of four other States, members of the league.' These four States to be selected by the Body of Delegates, hereinafter mentioned. This council is to meet at least once a year and at other times as occasion may require. The other organ is called the Body of Delegates, and is to consist of persons representing the high contracting parties'-i.e., the members of the league. The delegates are to meet less frequently than the council, and any State may be represented by delegates not more than three in number, but having only one collective vote. It is not said what is the authority within each country which is to appoint its delegates, so it is apparently meant that the executive government of each country will have the right to do so, but we may presume that its exercise of the function will be subject to the control of the Legislature. Neither is it stated who is to convoke the meetings of the delegates, whether they are to regulate this matter for themselves, or whether it is to be regulated by the Executive Council, nor how far they are to be entitled to know what passes in the Executive Council. The original members of the league will consist of the States which have signed the Covenant and of others

named in the protocol (to be annexed thereto) as 'States to be invited to adhere to the Covenant.' Thereafter, admission to the league of States not signatories and not so named as aforesaid will require the assent of not less than two thirds of the States represented in the Body of Delegates, ‘and no State will be admitted unless it is able to give effective guaranties of its sincere intention to observe its international obligations and unless it shall conform to such principles as may be prescribed by the league, in regard to its military and naval forces and armaments.' Nothing is said as to the withdrawal of a State; it is neither forbidden nor provided for. It will be understood from this that the question of admitting those two great countries whose future constitution and government remain at this moment undetermined-Germany and Russia - is meant to stand over, and this is really the only way in which the matter can be dealt with. No one can yet tell what sort of a State will ultimately emerge either in Russia or Germany, and whether such a State could be trusted to enter a League of Peace. It may, think, be assumed that if such a State does ultimately emerge, one which could be trusted to be an honest and loyal member of the league, it would be invited to enter, for to leave a great nation outside without adequate reasons would obviously be much to the injury of the league itself, and to the prospects of world peace.

I

Now as to the powers of the league. They are to be exercised mainly by the Executive Council, and it is not easy to make out how much is to be left to the Body of Delegates, and what the relations of that body to the Executive Council are meant to be. Some points, at least, are clear. It is the Executive Council that is to 'formulate plans for the establishment of a