FABLES OF PHÆDRUS. And laugh at having done it. Surely, then, That Zeus o'erlooks within our palace court, SOPHOCLES.-Translated by E. H. Plumptre. Of Jove they sought another king, That Jove would once more hear their suit, FABLES OF PHÆDRUS. [PHEDRUS, a Latin fabulist, once a slave, of whom almost nothing is known except that he was a freedman of the emperor Augustus, wrote ninety-seven fables which have come down to us in Iambic verse. Many of them are simply free translations of the Greek fables known as Esop's, and their style is for the most part clear and pleasing.] THE FROGS DESIRING A KING. With equal laws when Athens throve, A party, and the fort he storm'd; The Frogs, a freeborn people made, THE WOLF AND THE CRANE. Who for his merit seeks a price And now, forsooth, you'd bring your bill!" THE FOX AND THE CROW. His folly in repentance ends, A Crow, her hunger to appease, In state, was just about to dine. 327 The grudging dupe now sees at last THE FLY AND THE MULE. A Fly that sat upon the beam Rated the Mule: "Why, sure you dream? Or I shall sting you till you smart!" THIRD PHILIPPIC OF DEMOS THENES. of Thucydides his model for style, and it is said that he transcribed the writings of that historian no less than eight times. In 355 B. c. he delivered his oration against Leptines, with complete success. Soon after this he entered upon his great though unsuccessful life work, the defence of Grecian liberty against the designs of Philip of Macedon, eleven orations in all, four of which are especially denominated "philippics." Lord Brougham, in closing a high eulogium on Demosthenes, says, "Such was the first of orators. At the head of the mighty masters of speech, the adoration of ages has consecrated his place, and the loss of the noble instrument (the Greek language) with which he forged and launched his thunders, is sure to maintain it unapproachable forever."] THE ARGUMENT. This speech was delivered while Philip was advancing into Thrace, and threatening both the Chersonese and the Propontine coast. Demosthenes, alarmed by the formidable character of Philip's enterprises and vast military preparations, felt the necessity of rousing the Athenians to exertion He points out the danger to be apprehended from the disunion among the Greek states, from their general apathy and lack of patriotism, which he contrasts with the high and noble spirit of ancient times. From the past conduct of Philip he shows what is to be expected in future; explains the difference between Philip's new method of warfare and that adopted in the Peloponnesian war, and urges the necessity of corresponding measures for defence. The peaceful professions of Philip were not to be trusted ; he was never more dangerous than when he made overtures of peace and friendship. The most powerful instruments that he employed for gaining ascendency were the venal orators, who were to be found in every Grecian city, and on whom it was necessary to inflict signal punishment, before they had a chance of opposing foreign enemies. The advice of Demosthenes now is, to despatch reinforcements to the Chersonese, to stir up the people of Greece, and even to solicit the assistance of the Persian king, who had no less reason than themselves to dread the ambition of Philip. [DEMOSTHENES, the most eminent orator of antiquity, and probably the greatest of whom history gives any account, was born in Attica, in the domos of Paeonia, near Athens, about 382, or, according to some authorities, in 385 B. C. His father (also named Demosthenes) was a cutler and maker of furniture. He died when his son was seven years of age, leaving fifteen talents (more than $15,000) to be divided between the young Demosthenes and his sister. The guardians converted a large part of this money to their own use. Demosthenes studied rhetoric with Isaeus, and philosophy, according to some authorities, with Plato. Cicero states that he was instructed in oratory by Isocrates, but the fact is not established. Demosthenes, when about eighteen years old, prosecuted his guardians, pleading his own cause, but though the case was decided in his favor, he received only a part of his dues. Before this time it is said that he had resolved to devote his whole attention to oratory, from witnessing the forensic triumphs of Callistratus. But his health was feeble, his manners ungraceful, his breath short, and voice stammering and indistinct. In order to remedy these defects, we are told that he adopted the practice of speaking with pebbles in his mouth: that he was wont to declaim upon the sea-shore, so as to be able to be heard in the Many speeches, men of Greece, are made tumult of popular assemblies; and that he often prac-in almost every assembly about the hostiliticed before a mirror, so as to observe and rectify any ties of Philip, hostilities which ever since awkwardness of gesture. Nevertheless, his first appear the treaty of peace he has been committing tarch, a failure, exciting only the laughter of the multi- against you as against the rest of the Greeks; tude. But encouraged by Satyrus, an actor, who gave and all (I am sure) are ready to avow, though him useful instruction, he devoted himself with the they forbear to do so, that our counsels and utmost diligence to his task. We are told that he shaved our measures should be directed to his one side of his head, that it might be absolutely impos- humiliation and chastisement: nevertheless, sible for him to go into society. He made the writings so low have our affairs been brought by ance before a popular assembly was, according to Plu The events of the following year, when Philip attacked the Propontine cities, fully justified the warnings of Demosthenes. And the extraordinary activity which the Athenians displayed in resisting him, shows that the exertions of the orator had had their due effect, THIRD PHILIPPIC OF DEMOSTHENES. fnattention and negligence, I fear it is a harsh truth to say, that if all the orators had sought to suggest, and you to pass resolutions for the utter ruining of the commonwealth, we could not, methinks, be worse off than we are. A variety of circumstances may have brought us to this state; our affairs have not declined from one or two causes only: but, if you rightly examine, you will find it chiefly owing to the orators, who study to please you, rather than advise for the best. Some of whom, Athenians, seeking to maintain the basis of their own power and repute, have no forethought for the future, and therefore think you also ought to have none; others, accusing and calumniating practical statesmen, labor only to make Athens punish Athens, and in such occupation to engage her, that Philip may have liberty to say and do what he pleases. Politics of this kind are common here, but are the causes of your failures and embarrassment. I beg, Athenians, that you will not resent my plain speaking of the truth. Only consider: you hold liberty of speech in other matters to be the general right of all residents in Athens, insomuch that you allow a measure of it even to foreigners and slaves, and many servants may be seen among you speaking their thoughts more freely than citizens in some other states; and yet you have altogether banished it from your councils. The result has been, that in the assembly you give yourselves airs and are flattered at hearing nothing but compliments, while in your measures and proceedings you are brought to the utmost peril. If such be your disposition now, I must be silent: if you will listen to good advice without flattery, I am ready to speak. For though our affairs are in a deplorable condition, though many sacrifices have been made, still, if you will choose to perform your duty, it is possible to repair it all. A paradox, and yet a truth, am I about to state. That which is the most lamentable in the past is best for the future. How is this? Because you performed no part of your duty, great or small, and therefore you fared ill had you done all that became you, and your situation were the same, there would be no hope of amendment. Philip has indeed prevailed over your sloth and negligence, but not over the country: you have not been worsted; you have not even bestirred yourselves. If now we were all agreed that Philip is at war with Athens and infringing the peace, 329 nothing would a speaker need to urge or advise but the safest and easiest way of resisting him. But since, at the very time when Philip is capturing cities and retaining divers of our dominions and assailing all people, there are men so unreasonable as to listen to repeated declarations in the assembly, that some of us are kindling war, one must be cautious and set this matter right: for whoever moves or advises a mea. sure of defence, is in danger of being accused afterwards as author of the war. I will first then examine and determine this point, whether it be in our power to deliberate on peace or war. If the country may be at peace, if it depends on us (to begin with this,) I say we ought to maintain peace, and I call upon the affirmant to move a resolution, to take some measure, and not to palter with us. But if another, having arms in his hand and a large force around him, amuses you with the name of peace, while he carries on the operations of war, what is left but to defend yourselves? You may profess to be at peace, if you like, as he does; I quarrel not with that. But if any man supposes this to be a peace, which will enable Philip to master all else and attack you last, he is a madman, or he talks of a peace observed towards him by you, not towards you by him. This it is that Philip purchases by all his expenditure, the privilege of assailing you without being assailed in turn. If we really wait until he avows that he is at war with us, we are the simplest of mortals: for he would not declare that, though he marched even against Attica and Piraeus, at least if we may judge from his conduct to others. For example, to the Olynthians he declared, when he was forty furlongs from their city, that there was no alternative, but either they must quit Olynthus or he Macedonia; though before that time whenever he was accused of such an intent, he took it ill and sent ambassadors to justify himself. Again, he marched toward the Phocians as if they were allies, and there were Phocian envoys who ac companied his march, and many among you contended that his advance would not benefit the Thebans. And he came into Thessaly of late as a friend and ally, yet he has taken possession of Pheræ and lastly he told these wretched people of Oreus, that he had sent his soldiers out of good-will to visit them, as he heard they were in trouble and dissension, and it was the part of allies and true friends to lend assistance on such occasions. People who never have harmed him, though they might have adopted measures of defence, he chose to deceive rather than warn them of his attack; and think ye he would declare war against you before he began it, and that while you are willing to be deceived? Impossible. He would be the silliest of mankind, if, whilst you, the injured parties, make no complaint against him, but are accusing your own countrymen, he should terminate your intestine strife and jealousies, warn you to turn against him, and remove the pretext of his hirelings for asserting, to amuse you, that he makes no war upon Athens. O heavens! would any rational being judge by words rather than by actions, who is at peace with him and who at war? Surely none. Well then; Philip immediately after the peace, before Diopithes was in command or the settlers in the Chersonese had been sent out, took Serrium and Doriscus, and expelled from Serrium and the Sacred Mount the troops whom your general had stationed there. What do you call such conduct? He had sworn the peace. Don't say what does it signify? how is the state concerned? Whether it be a trifling matter, or of no concernment to you, is a different question: religion and justice have the same obligation, be the subject of the offence great or small. Tell me now; when he sends mercenaries into Chersonesus, which the king and all the Greeks have acknowledged to be yours, when he avows himself an auxiliary and writes us word so, what are such proceedings? He says he is not at war; I cannot however admit such conduct to be an observance of the peace; far otherwise: I say, by his attempt on Megara, by his setting up despotism in Euboea, by his present advance into Thrace, by his intrigues in Peloponnesus, by the whole course of operations with his army, he has been breaking the peace and making war upon you; unless indeed you will say, that those who establish batteries are not at war, until they apply them to the walls. But that you will not say: for whoever contrives and prepares the means for my conquest, is at war with me, before he darts or draws the bow. What, if anything should happen, is the risk you run? The alienation of the Hellespont, the subjection of Megara and Euboea to your enemy, the siding of the Peloponnesians with him. Then can I allow, that one who sets such an engine at work against Athens is at peace with her? Quite the contrary. From the day that he destroyed the Phocians I date his commencement of hostilities. Defend yourselves instantly, and I say you will be wise: delay it, and you may wish in vain to do so hereafter. So much do I dissent from your other counsellors, men of Athens, that I deem any discussion about Chersonesus or Byzantium out of place. Succor them-I advise that-watch that no harm befalls them, send all necessary supplies to your troops in that quarter; but let your deliberations be for the safety of all Greece, as being in the utmost peril. I must tell you why I am so alarmed at the state of our affairs, that, if my reasonings are correct, you may share them, and make some provision at least for yourselves, however disinclined to do so for others: but if, in your judgment, I talk nonsense and absurdity, you may treat me as crazed, and not listen to me, either now or in future. That Philip, from a mean and humble origin, has grown mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrelling among them. selves, that it was far more wonderful for him to rise from that insignificance, than it would now be, after so many acquisitions, to conquer what is left; these and similar matters which I might dwell upon, I pass over. But I observe that all people, be ginning with you, have conceded to him a right, which in former times has been the subject of contest in every Grecian war. And what is this? The right of doing what he pleases, openly fleecing and pillaging the Greeks, one after another, attacking and enslaving their cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for seventy-three years, the Lacedæmonians for twenty-nine; and the Thebans had some power in these latter times after the battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you, my countrymen, nor Thebans, nor Lacedæmonians, were ever licensed by the Greeks to act as you pleased: far otherwise. When you, or rather the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing harshly with certain people, all the rest, even such as had no complaint against Athens, thought proper to side with the injured parties in a war against her. So, when the Lacedæmonians became masters and succeeded to your empire, on their attempting to encroach and make oppressive innovations, a general war was declared against them, even by such as had no cause of complaint. But wherefore mention other people? We ourselves and the Lacedæmonians, although at the outset |