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ness of the fellows' case, and as stating that I letter to a relation. In the course of converthey could not yield obedience to the man- sation, Penn seems to have been as explicit as date without a breach of their oaths, such a man could have been ; informing them that mandate being a force on conscience, and not he feared they had come too late, the king very agreeable to the king's other gracious in- expecting that the measures he had taken dulgences: and Sewel, in his “History of the would prove effectual ; that he would, notRise and Progress of the Quakers," speaks withstanding, make another effort; that he of it in similar terms. This letter seems to would read their papers to the king, unless have produced no good effect, “for the fel. peremptorily commanded in forbear,“ but that lows remained resolute, and the king angry;" | if he failed, they must attribute his want of and soon after the departure of James from success not to bis want of will, but to his Oxford, it was reported that he “had issued want of power.” And that he did make this an order to proceed against the college by further trial to serve the college, there can be writ of quo warranto.” At this juncture, Dr. no doubt ; for, as Mr. Clarkson observes, Bailey, one of the senior fellows, received no instance can be adduced wherein he ever the anonymous letter we have before men- forfeited his word, or broke his promise.". tioned, and which is given verbatim by Mr. But if made, the effort was ineffectual, for Foster, as printed in the “State Trials.” In commissioners were sent to Oxford, to carry ternal evidence in abundance is afforded by out the King's designs; Dr. Hough, and the letter itself against the supposition of its nearly all the fellows of Magdalen, were dishaving been written by Penn. It commences placed, after a noble resistance, but were af“Sir,” and, though addressed personally to terwards restored, when the king began to Dr. Bailey, the plural pronoun "you" is used see the im policy of his unjust proceedings. throughout; it moreover concludes with the

These seem to be the plain facts of the usual formula, " Your affectionate servant.” | proceedings upon which Mr. Macaulay These are all modes of expression directly grounds his charge against Penn, of not contrary to William Penn's practice; and the scrupling “to become a broker in simony of only reason for Dr. Bailey's supposing it to a peculiarly discreditable kind,” namely, that have emanated from Penn, is its “ charitable of using a bishopric as a bait to tempt a dipurpose," since, as he says, in writing to vine to commit perjury.” This is an allusion Penn on the subject of the letter, "you to a remark made by Penn, to which we have been already so kind as to appear in our shall presently refer. Into the discussion of behalf, and are reported by all who know this difficult and now obscure Oxford busiyou, to employ much of your time in doing ness, Mr. Forster enters fully and fairly ; good to mankind, and using your credit with and we are sure our readers will bear with his Majesty to undeceive him in any wrong us if we quote that portion of his preface impressions given him of his conscientious sub- which relates to it. jects, and, where his justice and goodness have been thereby abused, to reconcile the “ First,” he observes, as regards Penn's earpersons injured to his Majesty's favor, and liest share in the business, viz., his conference secure them by it from oppression and pre

with the fellows at Oxford, Mr. Macaulay says, judice. In this confidence, I presume to make

• Penn's agency was employed.? None of Wilihis application to you,” &c.* The letter

mot's authorities, neither Anthony A. Wood, thus attributed to Penn, was, as

nor Sykes' and Creech's letters, mention any emwe have

ployment : they merely state, that after the king seen, “disowned” by him.

had met the fellows, Penn went to Magdalen It is not known whether William Penn re- College, but whether at the instigation of the turned any reply to Dr. Bailey's letter; it is, court, or of his own feelings, they do not add. however, certain that the college, still in His object may, as has been well stated, have alarm at the report of the writ, thought it been, either to save the king from his dilemma, worth while to try Penn's influence with the

or the college from its peril.' The imputation of king, and accordingly sent a deputation of lay's positive assertion that he was employed, is

either motive is an assumption, but Mr. Macaufive persons to Windsor, where he then was-

certainly unwarranted. the court being there at the same time—to · But Mr. Macaulay assumes much more than bespeak his interference in their behalf. An the fact of agency; he asserts not only that Penn account of two interviews with Penn is given

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was employed, but employed in order to “terrify, by Dr. Hough, one of the deputation, in a

caress, or bribe the college into submission.' If

this was the task imposed on hi:n, he certainly * This entirely confirms the testimony both of did not fulfil it, nor even attempt to fulfil it; for Clarkson and Croese, as to William Penn's benevo- though, says Wilmot,' he at first hoped to per

suade the fellows to comply with the king's wishes,

ence.

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yet, when he heard the statement of the case,' credit with his majesty to undeceive him in any that is, when he ascertained the true facts, he wrong impression.' was satisfied that they could not comply without " It is a pity Mr. Macaulay has not quoted this a breach of their oaths, and wrote a letter to the reply of Bailey; his readers could then have judged king on their behalf.'

how far the impression he gives of Penn's conduct Again, when Mr. Macaulay says that Penn, was that felt by the parties most interested. having too much good feeling to approve of the “ Lastly, comes the final interview at Windsor, violent and unjust proceedings of the government in Mr. Macaulay's account of which the incorrect --(wonderful admission !)-'even ventured to ex- notion given by his disregard of time and place is press part of what he thought, it would have been plain enough. well to have stated what part of his thoughts he “ Any one of his readers would suppose that can have concealed. The fellows allege their this interview was sought by Penn, in performance oath as their excuse for disobedience ; this excuse of his office of seduction. He did not succeed in they represent to Penn, who boldly and plainly re- frightening the Magdalen men,' so he tried a peats it to the king. • Their case,' he says, ' was gentler tone,' and accordingly had an interview hard ;' they could not yield obedience without a with Hough,' &c. and began to hint at a comprobreach of their oaths, such mandates were a mise.' Who would imagine, after reading such force on conscience.' What more could he or any sentences as these, that this conference took one have said ?--and what other of James's couri- | place, not at the college, but at Windsor; a depuiers, who vied in his desertion and in fawning on tation of the fellows going forty miles to see the his successor, when the courtly Qnaker had Quaker, more than a month after the interview at courage to declare that the fallen monarch had Oxford, and six days after the date of Bailey's been his friend and his father's friend,' would letter, in consequence of whose entreaty for his have dared to say as much ?

intercession it was probably held ?"-Preface, p. “ Next, as to the letter addressed to Bailey, and xxxvii. attributed to Penn: in the first place there is no proof, or rather no probability, that this letter was In addition, Mr. Forster quotes from the his writing. It bears no signature, he never ac- “ Tablet” of March 10, 1849, the masterly knowledged any share in it, it is not alluded to as his by Hough in his account of the Windsor con

exposition of the discrepancies between the ference; and though Wilmot seems to suppose he

two accounts of the Windsor interview, as never denied it, there is good reason to believe he given by Mr. Macaulay and Dr. Hough, but did, inasmuch as the cotemporary copy of the pro- we need quote no more than the following ceedings in this case, preserved in the archives of paragraph relative to the bait of the bishopMagdalen College, bears on the margin of this ric:letter a manuscript memorandum– Mr. Penn disowned this. Moreover, its very wording, the “ It is true," says the writer, " that when someterms · Sir' and · Majesty,' are contrary to his no- body mentioned the Bishop of Oxford's indispositorious scruples and style of writing. Mr. Macau- tion, Penn, smiling,' asked the fellows how they lay does indeed state, either on the authority of would like Hough to be made a bishop? This this anonymous epistle or his own imagination, remark, made as a joke, answered by Mr. Cradock that' titles and phrases against which he had borne as a joke, and—even by Dr. Hough, who answerhis tesimony dropped occasionally from his lips ed it more seriously, not taken as an offer at any and his pen;' and possibly the fact that such proposal by way of accommodation—this casual phrases were inconsistent with his profession, and piece of jocosity, picked out of a three hours' contherefore with his sincerity, may be in Mr. versation, reported by one interlocutor without the Macaulay's mind reason why he should ascribe privity of the other; and, if taken seriously, at them to Penn; but as no other occasion is record- variance with every other part of the conversation, ed in which they fell from him, and as no motive and unconnected with its general tenor, is gravely can be imagined for him to have thus belied the brought forward as a proof that a man otherwise scruples of a life, for which he had so often suf- honest, deliberately intended to use ‘simony, as a fered (nor, indeed, for him to conceal his name at all,) their use in this case would appear to be

bait to tempt a divine to what both parties knew

to be ó perjury." "-Preface, p. xl. strong internal evidence against his authorship.

" But even supposing that it is fair to charge him with the contents of this document, which

We must now, however, draw our remarks plainly it is not, they by no means justify Mr.

to a close ; but before we notice another of Macaulay's insinuations of intimidation,' atiempts Mr. Macaulay's extraordinary perversions of to seduce the college from the path of right,' to facts, we must be allowed to call attention to • frighten the Magdalen men,' &c.

one of the most noble actions of William " So far from the letter having given such ideas | Penn's career—an action strictly in accorto Dr. Bailey, he grounds his guess that it was Penn's on its charitable purpose' making it seem

dance with the Scripture precept, " Thine to have been written by one who had been already

own friend, and thy father's friend, forsake so kind as to appear on their behalf,' and was ó re

not.” ported by all who knew him to employ much of In the month of April of the memorable bis time in doing good to mankind, and using his ' year 1688, the king

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“ Renewed his declaration for liberty of con- | that, in gratitude, he himself was the king's, and did science, with this addition, that he would adhere ever, as much as in him lay, influence him to his firmly to it, and that he would put none into pub- true interest."--p. 204. lic employments but such as would concur with him in maintaining it. He also promised that he would hold a parliament in the November follow- Although nothing appeared against Penn,

This was what William Penn desired. He he was obliged to give security to appear on wished the king to continue firm to his purpose; the first day of the next term, and was then but he knew that neither tests nor penalties could dismissed. On his appearance at the time be legally removed without the consent of parlia: appointed, in discharge of his bail

, not one ment. He rejoiced, therefore, that the parliament were to be consulted on the measure ; for he in

witness could be produced against him; and dulged a hope that the substance of the royal de nothing having been proved to his disadvanclaration would be confirmed by both houses, and tage, he was discharged in

open

court. thus pass into a law of the land.”—p. 191. What must have been his joy and his gra

titude on the passing of the great Toleration The immediate consequences of this re- Act, shortly after this, by king, lords, and newal of the declaration, and of the accom- commons, although it did not come up to the panying order of council, that it should be extent of his wishes ? Even Burnet, in his read in all the churches within the ecclesias- History of his Own Times,” though at the tical jurisdiction of the kingdom, are well Hague he had treated William Penn coldly known; the committal of the seven bishops for advocating the very principles of the new to the Tower, their trial and acquittal being act, gives as reasons why it had passed, those matters of history. In about a fortnight very considerations which William Penn had afterwards, William of Orange landed in long before given as reasons why it ought to Torbay, and James the Second ceased to pass. This author says, that “wise and good reign. William Penn's feelings at this change men did very much applaud the quieting of of affairs may be more easily imagined than the nation by the toleration. It seemed to described. By the flight of James he had be suitable both to the spirit of the Christian lost one who,“ with all his political failings, religion and the interest of the nation. It was had been his firm friend ;” and not only so, thought very unreasonable, that, while we "but he lost (what most deeply affected him) were complaining of the cruelly of the Church the great patron, on whom he counted for of Rome, we should fall into such practices the support of that plan of religious tolera- among ourselves, and this while we were ention for which chiefly he had abandoned his gaged in a war, the progress of which we infant settlement in America, at a time when should need the united strength of the whole his presence was of great importance to its nation. well-being.” He dared not return to America, In 1690, Penn was again arrested, on the though there a peaceful asylum awaited him, charge of having traitorously corresponded lest his flight should lead to the conclusion with James II. He appealed to the king in that he was guilty of the crimes laid to his person. The king was moved by his open charge. He, therefore, in the consciousness and explicit defence to dismiss Penn; some of innocence , resolved on remaining in Eng- of the council

, however, interfering, he was land, and to go at large as before, dangerous ordered to give bail to appear at the next as was such a proceeding to one who had no Trinity term. As on the former occasion, longer a protector at court.

when he appeared in court there was no eviAnd quickly did he experience the effect dence against him, and he was honorably of the recent political change, for on the 10th discharged. of December, while walking in Whitehall, he A third time was he arrested, on suspicion was summoned before the Lords of the Coun- of being engaged in a conspiracy at the time cil, and examined touching the charges of the apprehended French invasion ; he was brought against him. In reply to some now obliged to lie in prison until the last day questions, he protested that

of Michaelmas term, when he was brought

before the Court of King's Bench, and again “ He had done nothing but what he could an- discharged. swer before God and all the princes in the world; After these repeated failures, it might have that he loved his country and the protestant reli

been thought that there would have been no gion above his life, and had never acted against either; that all he had ever aimed at in his public

further attempt to molest him ; but just as endeavors was no other than what the prince

he had attended the funeral of his beloved himself had declared for; that King James had friend, George Fox, the founder of the Soalways been his friend, and his father's friend ; and I ciety of Friends, and was about to embark

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for America, he had intimation that a fresh | his fellow-professors “looked coldly on him, imputation had been brought against him by and requited his services with obloquy."* one William Fuller, who was afterwards de- | Are we to believe this one gratuitous asserclared by Parliament to be “a notorious im- i tion, or the concordant testimony of the postor, a cheat, and a false accuser," who had historians of the Quakers,Sewel, Gough, * scandalized the magistrates and the govern- and Clarkson,-all of whom agree in bearing ment, abused this House, and falsely accused the most direct testimony to the estimation several persons of honor and quality.” To in which Penn was held by the members of escape the consequence of this fresh impeach- his own sect? Are we to give up opinions ment, as he could not leave the kingdom with founded on such authorities as these, in favor honor, Penn resolved to remain in retirement of a flippant observation of one who can perin England, neither wantonly throwing him- vert truth as Mr. Macaulay has done? The self in the way of the government, nor en- very Society which Mr. Macaulay represents deavoring to fly from it; and about six weeks as “ requiting Penn's services with obloquy,' afterwards, another proclamation was issued has spent thousands of pounds in printing for the apprehension of himself and of Dr. and distributing his works, and cherishes the Turner, Bishop of Ely, and of James Graham, record of his life as a piece of biography founded upon the accusation of the same worthy of all imitation. But Churchmen Fuller, that he and others had been con- entertain the same opinion of Penn. Let cerned in a conspiracy to invite over James Mr. Macaulay pervert facts as he

may ;

let II. from France. He remained in retirement bim word his detractions never so smoothly,for about three years, neither molested by constable, magistrate, nor any other officer “ The voice of history cannot be thus silenced : of justice, though greatly annoyed by the she has already recorded her judgment, from which increase of popular clamor against him—the there is no appeal. This Quaker was a strong consequence of these unfounded accusations, and a brave and therefore a free man; he ruled In 1693, he was deprived of the government he made posterity his debtor, for that spirit which

himself, and fearing God, feared no other; and so of Pennsylvania by King William, whose ear

won freedom for himself he left to it as a legacy, had been poisoned against him. In the follow- and there is no fear that the debt due to him will ing year, however, the king honorably rein- be unpaid so long as the inheritance remains. stated him in his government, and he was The memory of good men is sacred ; we treasure received into bigher favor than ever by his it as we value our safety in the present, our hope own Society, many of whose members had for the future.”—Preface, lix. fallen away from him in consequence of the calumnies so industriously circulated, and

Induced, as we have been by the voice of which, for a time, circumstances prevented

the calumniator, to give the character of him from refuting. He was thus restored to

Penn a searching and uncompromising scruhis former position, and acquired, if possible, tiny, we rise from the task under the firm higher honors from his previous sufferings conviction that he was one of the best and

. Five years afterwards, after having spent his wisest of men. We lose sight of the Quaker time usefully in England, he and his family in his higher character of Christian ; we forembarked for America. He arrived safely get the courtier in the majesty of the phiin Philadelphia in the November of 1699"; lanthropist

. It is a mistake to regard him as returned to England in December, 1701;

a sectarian. We believe that long after his carried the address of the Quakers on the sect and its peculiarities shall be forgotten, accession of Queen Anne, in the following the name of Penn will be held up as an examyear; and, after various changes and reverses ple to future ages, as a distinguished legislaof fortune, died, and was buried at Jordans tor, a great and powerful teacher, a sincere in Buckinghamshire, in the year 1718.

Christian, and a man of perfect and undeWe now revert to the only other of Mr. viating integrity. Macaulay's assertions respecting Penn that we shall notice, namely, the statement that

* Macaulay, vol. i., p. 506.

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1. The Handbook of Travel-Talk ; A Collection of Dialogues and Vocabularies,

intended to serve as Interpreter to Travelers. By the Editor of the Handbooks

of Germany, France, and Switzerland. 12mo. 2nd Edition. 1850. 2. The Royal Phraseological English-French and French-English Dictionary.

By J. Ch. Tarver, French Master, Eton. 2 vols. 8vo. 1845-1850. Pp. 1670.

THE motto of this useful manual of Travel. stantly requited by stroke of ataghan or Talk is Bacon's famous saying—“He that thrust of a lance-exactly as

was found traveleth into a courtry before he hath some among the Red Men of the great Western entrance into the language, goeth to school prairies ; for it is an old observation that no and not to travel.” We hope the editor purest-blooded aristocrat of the most refined means gradually to extend his work, and, court, not even Louis Quatorze in all his having profited by what he has done, shall glory, could be more perfectly well-bred be happy if in the following remarks he finds than a Huron chief. The immobility too of the anything either of encouragement or sugges- region is well reflected, for these little phrases tion.

will be found nearly identical over an imLavater has laid down that the character mense expanse and through a vast duration. of a man may be detected not less clearly- They are almost all based upon a religious nay, often much more so-in the most trifling feeling; and convey in the form of prayer a gestures, in the ordinary tone of his voice, in wish that the person may enjoy Peace, the the

way he takes a pinch of snuff, or mends summum bonum, the prime want and wish in a pen, than in great actions, or when he is such countries and such conditions of life. under the influence of the stronger passions, A pastoral people is always warlike; and which indeed obliterate nice distinctions : throughout the Bible this is the invariable

blessing which forms the staple of salutation. Love levels ranks ; lords down to cellars bears, Shalúm! We trace the ruling idea in the And bids the brawny porter walk up stairs. very name of Jeru-salem. We plainly see

that when their language was crystallizing If we allow that these little things may afford they must have been a people whose hand was the true index of individual character, it fol-, against every man, and every man's hand lows that they must be the faithfullest signs against them; and the Bedouins of the present of national character also; and thence comes day have precisely the same character, emit that the best history of a people is to be bodied and eternized in the same salutation. found in its dictionary. Let us take a par- In some Hebrew modes of greeting we also ticular class of words and phrases—a very see strong traces of a gross, sensuous charac

a ordinary and limited one-and we are much ter: there is an under-tone that speaks of a deceived if we shall not find a mass of cha- | land dropping and running over with fatnessracteristic traits daguerreotyped, the more a gurgling of luscious rivers of milk and honey, strikingly because involuntarily, in the com- oil and butter, more than in ten German monest Forms of Salutation.

tables-d'hore. “No marvel,” says Carlo Observe the tone that predominates in Buffone, “ that that saucy, stubborn generathose of the East : what an air they breathe tion were forbidden pork; for what would of primeval simplicity, what condensed docu- they have done, well pampered with fat grisments they are of the external nature and the kins, that durst murmur at their Maker out state of society. In them we clearly mark of garlick and onions ?” the ceremonious politeness of half-savage Islam probably made but a small change in peoples, among whom a word or look is in- | the habits of those tribes among which it

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