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in as plain terms, as her majesty was pleased to declare she had with that house, on her part.'

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As to the first of these demands, I will venture to undertake it shall be granted; but then Mr. Steele, and his brother malecontents, must promise to believe the thing is done, after those employed have made their report; or else bring vouchers to disprove it. Upon the second; I cannot tell whether her majesty will engage in a war against the duke of Lorrain, to force him to remove the pretender; but I believe, if the parliament should think it necessary to address upon such an occasion, the queen would move that prince to send him away. His last demand, offered under the title of a wish, is of so insolent and seditious a strain, that I care not to touch it. Here he directly charges her majesty with delivering a falsehood to her parliament from the throne; and declares he will not believe her, until the elector of Hanover himself shall vouch for the truth of what she has so solemnly affirmed.

I agree with this writer, that it is an idle thing in his antagonists to trouble themselves upon the articles of his birth, education, or fortune; for whoever writes at this rate of his sovereign, to whom he owes so many personal obligations, I should never inquire whether he be a gentleman born, but whether he be a human creature.

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THE

CONDUCT

OF

THE ALLIES,

AND OF

THE LATE MINISTRY,

IN BEGINNING AND CARRYING ON

THE PRESENT WAR.

Written in the Year 1712.

Partem tibi Gallia nostri
Eripuit: Partem duris Hispania bellis :
Pars jacet Hesperia, totoque exercitus orbe
Te vincente perit.

Odimus accipitrem quia semper vivit in armis.
Victrix Provincia plorat.

Y 4

PREFACE.

I CANNOT sufficiently admire the industry of a sort of men, wholly out of favour with the prince and people, and openly professing a separate interest from the bulk of the landed men, who yet are able to raise at this juncture so great a clamour against á peace, without offering one single reason, but what we find in their ballads. I lay it down for a maxim, that no reasonable man, whether whig or tory, (since it is necessary to use those foolish terms) can be of opinion for continuing the war upon the footing it now is, unless he be a gainer by it, or hopes it may occasion some new turn of affairs at home, to the advantage of his party; or, lastly, unless he be very ignorant of the kingdom's condition, and by what means we have been reduced to it. Upon the two first cases, where interest is concerned, I have nothing to say: but, as to the last, I think it highly necessary, that the publick should be freely and impartially told, what circumstances they are in, after what manner they have been treated by those, whom they trusted so many years with the disposal of their blood and treasure, and what the consequences of this management are likely to be, upon themselves, and their posterity.

Those, who, either by writing or discourse, have undertaken to defend the proceedings of the late ministry in the management of the war, and of the

treaty

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