whatsoever passed else, prepared and disposed | between them, which made them speak with some Tyrone to the parley.

And this employment of Lee was a matter of that guiltiness in my lord, as, being charged with it at my lord keeper's only in this nature, for the message of Knowd was not then known, that when he pretended to assail Tyrone, he had before underhand agreed upon a parley, my lord utterly denied it that he ever employed Lee to Tyrone at all, and turned it upon Blunt, whom he afterwards required to take it upon him, having before sufficiently provided for the security of all parts, for he had granted both to Blunt and Lee pardons of all treasons under the great seal of Ireland, and so, himself disclaiming it, and they being pardoned, all was safe.

loudness, there were certain horsemen appointed by order from Essex, to keep all men off a great distance from the place.

It is true, that the secrecy of that parley, as it gave to him the more liberty of treason, so it may give any man the more liberty of surmise what was then handled between them, inasmuch as nothing can be known, but by report from one of them two, either Essex or Tyrone.

But although there were no proceeding against Essex upon these treasons, and that it were a needless thing to load more treasons upon him then, whose burden was so great after; yet, for truth's sake, it is fit the world know what is testified touching the speeches, letters, and reports of Tyrone, immediately following this conference, and observe also what ensued likewise in the designs of Essex himself.

On Tyrone's part it fell out, that the very day after that Essex came to the court of England, Tyrone having conference with Sir William Warren at Armagh, by way of discourse told him, and bound it with an oath, and iterated it two or three several times; That within two or three months he should see the greatest alterations and strangest that ever he saw in his life, or could

long to have a good share in England. With this concurred fully the report of Richard Bremingham, a gentleman of the pale, having made his repair about the same time to Tyrone, to right him in a cause of land; saving that Bremingham delivers the like speech of Tyrone to himself; but not what Tyrone hoped, but what Tyrone had promised in these words, That he had promised, it may be thought to whom, ere long to show his face in England, little to the good of England.

But when that Tyrone was by these means, besides what others, God knows, prepared to demand a parley, now was the time for Essex to acquit himself of all the queen's commandments, and his own promises and undertakings for the northern journey; and not so alone, but to have the glory at the disadvantage of the year, being but 2,500 strong of foot, and 300 of horse, after the fresh disaster of Sir Conyers Clifford, in the height of the rebels' pride, to set forth to assail, and then that the very terror and reputation of my Lord of Essex's person was such as did daunt him,imagine: and that he, the said Tyrone, hoped ere and make him stoop to seek a parley; and this was the end he shot at in that September journey, being a mere abuse and bravery, and but inducements only to the treaty, which was the only matter he intended. For Essex drawing now to wards the catastrophe, or last part of that tragedy, for which he came upon the stage in Ireland, his treasons grew to a farther ripeness. For, knowing how unfit it was for him to communicate with any English, even of those whom he trusted most, and meant to use in other treasons, that he had an intention to grow to an agreement with Tyrone, to have succours from him for the usurping upon the state here; (not because it was more dangerous than the rest of his treasons, but because it was more odious, and in a kind monstrous, that he should conspire with such a rebel, against whom he was sent; and therefore might adventure to alienate men's affections from him;) he drave it to this, that there might be, and so there was, under colour of treaty, an interview and private conference between Tyrone and himself only, no third person admitted. A strange course, considering with whom he dealt, and especially considering what message Knowd had brought, which should have made him rather call witnesses to him, than avoid witnesses. But he being only true to his own ends, easily dispensed with all such considerations. Nay, there was such careful order taken, that no person should overhear one word that passed between them two, as, because the place appointed and used for the parley was such, as there was the depth of a brook

These generalities coming immediately from the report of Tyrone himself, are drawn to more particularity in a conference had between the Lord Fitz-Morrice, Baron of Liksnaw in Munster, and one Thomas Wood, a person well reputed of, immediately after Essex coming into England. In which conference Fitz-Morrice declared unto Wood, that Tyrone had written to the traitorous titulary Earl of Desmond to inform him, that the condition of that contract between Tyrone and Essex was, That Essex should be King of England; and that Tyrone should hold of him the honour and state of Viceroy of Ireland; and that the proportion of soldiers which Tyrone should bring or send to Essex, were 8,000 Irish. With which concurreth fully the testimony of the said James Knowd, who, being in credit with Owny Mac Roory, chief of the Omoores in Lemster, was used as a secretary for him, in the writing of a letter of Tyrone, immediately after Essex coming into England. The effect of which letter was, To understand some light of the secret agreement between the Earl of Essex and Tyrone

that he, the said Owny, might frame his course | carry with him of the army in Ireland as much as accordingly. Which letter, with farther instruc- he could conveniently transport, at least the tions to the same effect, was, in the presence of choice of it, to the number of two or three thouKnowd, delivered to Turlagh Macdauy, a man of sand, to secure and make good his first descent trust with Owny, who brought an answer from on shore, purposing to land them at MilfordTyrone: the contents whereof were, That the Haven in Wales, or thereabouts: not doubting, Earl of Essex had agreed to take his part, and but that his army would so increase within a that they should aid him towards the conquest of small time, by such as would come in to him, as England. he should be able to march with his power to London, and make his own conditions as he thought good. But both Southampton and Blunt dissuaded him from this enterprise; Blunt alleging the hazard of it, and that it would make him odious: and Southampton utterly disliking of that course, upon the same and many other reasons. Howbeit, thereupon Blunt advised him rather to another course, which was to draw forth of the army some 200 resolute gentlemen, and with those to come over, and so to make sure of the court, and so to make his own conditions. Which confessions it is not amiss to deliver, by what a good providence of God they came to light: for they could not be used at Essex's arraignment to charge him, because they were uttered after his death.

Besides, very certain it is, and testified by divers credible persons, that immediately upon this parley, there did fly abroad, as sparkles of this fire, which it did not concern Tyrone so much to keep secret, as it did Essex, a general and received opinion, that went up and down in the mouths both of the better and meaner sort of rebels; That the Earl of Essex was theirs, and they his; and that he would never leave the one sword, meaning that of Ireland, till he had gotten the other in England; and that he would bring them to serve, where they should have other manner of booties than cows; and the like speeches. And Thomas Lee himself, who had been, as was before declared, with Tyrone two or three days, upon my lord's sending, and had sounded him, hath left it confessed under his hand; That he knew the Earl of Essex and Tyrone to be one, and to run the same courses.

And certain it is also, that immediately upon that parley, Tyrone grew into a strange and unwonted pride, and appointed his progresses and visitations to receive congratulations and homages from his confederates, and behaved himself in all things as one that had some new spirit of hope and courage put into him.

But on the Earl of Essex his part ensued immediately after this parley a strange motion and project, which, though no doubt he had harboured in his breast before; yet, for any thing yet appeareth, he did not utter and break with any in it, before he had been confirmed and fortified in his purpose, by the combination and correspondence which he found in Tyrone upon their conference. Neither is this a matter gathered out of reports, but confessed directly by two of his principal friends and associates, being witnesses upon their own knowledge, and of that which was spoken to themselves: the substance of which confession is this: That a little before my lord's coming over into England, at the castle of Dublin, where Sir Christopher Blunt lay hurt, having been lately removed thither from Rheban, a castle of Thomas Lee's, and placed in a lodging that had been my Lord of Southampton's; the Earl of Essex took the Earl of Southampton with him to visit Blunt, and there being none present but they three, my Lord of Essex told them, he found it now necessary for him to go into England, and would advise with them of the manner of his going, since to go he was resolved. And thereupon propounded unto them, that he thought it fit to

But Sir Christopher Blunt at his arraignment, being charged that the Earl of Essex had set it down under his hand, that he had been a principal instigator of him to his treasons, in passion brake forth into these speeches: That then he must be forced to disclose what farther matters he had held my lord from, and desired for that purpose, because the present proceeding should not be interrupted, to speak with the Lord Admiral and Mr. Secretary after his arraignment, and so fell most naturally, and most voluntarily into this his confession, which, if it had been thought fit to have required of him at that time publicly, he had delivered before his conviction. And the same confession he did after, at the time of his execution, constantly and fully confirm, discourse particularly, and take upon his death, where never any man showed less fear, nor a greater resolution to die.

And the same matter, so by him confessed, was likewise confessed with the same circumstances of time and place by Southampton, being severally examined thereupon.

So as now the world may see how long since my lord put off his vizard, and disclosed the secrets of his heart to two of his most confident friends, falling upon that unnatural and detestable treason, whereunto all his former actions in his government in Ireland, and God knows how long before, were but introductions.

But finding that these two persons, which of all the rest he thought to have found forwardest, Southampton, whose displacing he had made his own discontentment, having placed him no question to that end, to find cause of discontentment, and Blunt, a man so enterprising and prodigal of

his own life, as himself termed himself at the bar, did not applaud to this his purpose, and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded, that were not so near to him; and, therefore, condescending to Blunt's advice to surprise the court, he did pursue that plot accordingly, and came over with a selected company of captains and voluntaries, and such as he thought were most affectionate unto himself, and most resolute, though not knowing of his purpose. So as even at that time every man noted and wondered what the matter should be, that my lord took his most particular friends and followers from their companies, which were countenance and means unto them, to bring them over. But his purpose, as in part was touched before, was this; that if he held his greatness in court, and were not committed, which, in regard of the miserable and deplored estate he left Ireland in, whereby he thought the opinion here would be that his service could not be spared, he made full account he should not be, then, at the first opportunity, he would execute the surprise of her majesty's person. And if he were committed to the Tower, or to prison, for his contempts, for, besides his other contempts, he came over expressly against the queen's prohibition under her signet, it might be the care of some of his principal friends, by the help of that choice and resolute company which he brought over, to rescue him.

But the pretext of his coming over was, by the efficacy of his own presence and persuasion to have moved and drawn her majesty to accept of such conditions of peace as he had treated of with Tyrone in his private conference; which was indeed somewhat needful, the principal article of them being, That there should be a general restitution of rebels in Ireland to all their lands and possessions, that they could pretend any right to before their going out into rebellion, without reservation of such lands, as were by act of parliament passed to the crown, and so planted with English, both in the time of Queen Mary, and since; and without difference either of time of their going forth, or nature of their offence, or other circumstance: tending in effect to this, that all the queen's good subjects, in most of the provinces, should have been displanted, and the country abandoned to the rebels.

stirred, this matter fell asleep, and the thread of his purposes was cut off. For coming over about the end of September, and not denied access and conference with her majesty, and then being commanded to his chamber at court for some days, and from thence to the lord keeper's house, it was conceived that these were no ill signs. At my lord keeper's house he remained till some few days before Easter, and then was removed to his own house, under the custody of Sir Richard Barkley, and in that sort continued till the end of Trinity term following.

For her majesty, all this while looking into his faults with the eye of her princely favour, and loath to take advantage of his great offences, in other nature than as contempts, resolved so to proceed against him, as might, to use her majesty's own words, tend "ad correctionem, et non ad ruinam."

Nevertheless, afterwards, about the end of Trinity term the following, for the better satisfaction of the world, and to repress seditious. bruits and libels which were dispersed in his justification, and to observe a form of justice before he should be set at full liberty; her majesty was pleased to direct, that there should be associated unto her privy council some chosen persons of her nobility, and of her judges of the law, and before them his cause, concerning the breaking of his instructions for the northern prosecution, and the manner of his treating with Tyrone, and his coming over, and leaving the kingdom of Ireland contrary to her majesty's commandment, expressed as well by signification thereof, made under her royal hand and signet, as by a most binding and effectual letter written privately to himself, to receive a hearing; with limitation, nevertheless, that he should not be charged with any point of disloyalty; and with like favour directed, that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offenders, in the Star Chamber, from which he had likewise, by a most penitent and humble letter, desired to be spared, as that which would have wounded him forever, as he affirmed, but in a more private manner, at my lord keeper's house. Neither was the effect of the sentence, that there passed against him, any more than a suspension of the exercise of some of his places: at which time also, Essex, that When this man was come over, his heart thus could vary himself into all shapes for a time, infraughted with treasons, and presented himself to finitely desirous, as by the sequel now appeareth, her majesty; it pleased God, in his singular pro- to be at liberty to practise and revive his former vidence over her majesty, to guide and hem in purposes, and hoping to set into them with better her proceeding towards him in a narrow way of strength than ever, because he conceived the safety between two perils. For neither did her people's hearts were kindled to him by his troumajesty leave him at liberty, whereby he might bles, and that they had made great demonstrations have commodity to execute his purpose; nor of as much; he did transform himself into such restrain him in any such nature, as might signify a strange and dejected humility, as if he had or betoken matter of despair of his return to court been no man of this world, with passionate proand favour. And so the means of present mis-testations that he called God to witness, That he chief being taken away, and the humours not had made an utter divorce with the world; and VOL. II.-45 2G2

he desired her majesty's favour not for any worldly respect, but for a préparative for a " Nunc dimittis;" and that the tears of his heart had quenched in him all humours of ambition. All this to make her majesty secure, and to lull the world asleep, that he was not a man to be held any ways dangerous.

Not many days after, Sir Richard Barkley, his keeper, was removed from him, and he set at liberty with this admonition only, that he should not take himself to be altogether discharged, though he were left to the guard of none but his own discretion. But he felt himself no sooner upon the wings of his liberty, but, notwithstanding his former shows of a mortified estate of mind, he began to practise afresh as busily as ever, reviving his former resolution; which was the surprising and possessing the queen's person and the court. And that it may appear how early after his liberty he set his engines on work, having long before entertained into his service, and during his government in Ireland drawn near unto him in the place of his chief secretary, one Henry Cuffe, a base fellow by birth, but a great scholar, and indeed a notable traitor by the book, being otherwise of a turbulent and mutinous spirit against all superiors.

This fellow, in the beginning of August, which was not a month after Essex had liberty granted, fell of practising with Sir Henry Nevil, that served her majesty as lieger ambassador with the French king, and then newly come over into England from Bulloign, abusing him with a false lie and mere invention, that his service was blamed and misliked, and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of peace held at Bulloign was like to light upon him, when there was no colour of any such matter, only to distaste him of others, and to fasten him to my lord, though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my lord's designs till a good while after.

drawing cords of popularity as religion, he had not neglected, both at this time and long before, in a profane policy to serve his turn, for his own greatness, of both sorts and factions, both of Catholics and Puritans, as they term them, turning his outside to the one, and his inside to the other; and making himself pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeal, and frequenting sermons, and making much of preachers, and secretly underhand giving assurance to Blunt, Davis, and divers others, that, if he might prevail in his desired greatness, he would bring in a toleration of the Catholic religion.

Then having passed the whole Michaelmas term in making himself plausible, and in drawing concourse about him, and in affecting and alluring men by kind provocations and usage, wherein, because his liberty was qualified, he neither forgot exercise of mind nor body, neither sermon nor tennis-court, to give the occasion and freedom of access and concourse unto him, and much other practice and device; about the end of that term, towards Christmas, he grew to a more framed resolution of the time and manner, when and how he would put his purpose in execution. And first, about the end of Michaelmas term, it passed as a kind of cipher and watch-word among his friends and followers, That my lord would stand upon his guard; which might receive construction, in a good sense, as well guard of circumspection, as guard of force: but to the more private and trusty persons he was content it should be expounded that he would be cooped up no more, nor hazard any more restraints or commandments.

But the next care was how to bring such persons, as he thought fit for his purpose, into town together, without vent or suspicion, to be ready at the time, when he should put his design in execution;, which he had concluded should be some time in Hilary term; wherein he found But my lord having spent the end of the sum- many devices to draw them up, some for suits in mer, being a private time, when everybody was law, and some for suits in court, and some for out of town and dispersed, in digesting his own assurance of land: and one friend to draw up thoughts, with the help and conference of Mr. another, it not being perceived that all moved Cuffe, they had soon set down between them the from one head. And it may be truly noted, that ancient principle of traitors and conspirators, in the catalogue of those persons that were the which was, to prepare many, and to acquaint eighth of February in the action of open rebellion, few; and, after the manner of miners, to make a man may find almost out of every country of ready their powder, and place it, and then give fire England some; which could not be by chance or but in the instant. Therefore, the first consid- constellation: and in the particularity of examieration was of such persons as my lord thought nations, too long to be rehearsed, it was easy fit to draw to be of his party; singling out both to trace in what sort many of them were brought of nobility and martial men, and others, such up to town, and held in town upon several as were discontented or turbulent, and such pretences. But in Candlemas term, when the as were weak of judgment, and easy to be time drew near, then was he content consultation abused, or such as were wholly dependents and should be had by certain choice persons, upon followers, for means or countenance, of himself, the whole matter and course which he should Southampton, or some other of his greatest asso- hold. And because he thought himself and his ciates. own house more observed, it was thought fit And knowing there were no such strong and that the meeting and conference should be at

Drury House, where Sir Charles Davers lodged. | court, and might have access, without check or There met at this council, the Earl of Southamp- suspicion, into the several rooms in court, accordton, with whom in former times he had been at ing to the several qualities of the persons, and the some emulations and differences in court: but differences of the rooms, should distribute themafter, Southampton having married his kinswo- selves into the presence, the guard-chamber, the man, and plunged himself wholly into his for- hall, and the utter court and gate, and some one tune, and being his continual associate in Ireland, principal man undertaking every several room, he accounted of him as most assured unto him, with the strength of some few to be joined with and had long ago in Ireland acquainted him with him, every man to make good his charge, accordhis purpose, as was declared before: Sir Charles ing to the occasion. In which distribution, Sir Davers, one exceedingly devoted to the Earl Charles Davers was then named to the presence, of Southampton, upon affection begun first upon and to the great chamber, where he was appointed, the deserving of the same earl towards him, when time should be, to seize upon the halberds when he was in trouble about the murder of one of the guard; Sir John Davis to the hall; and Sir Long: Sir Ferdinando Gorge, one that the Earl Christopher Blunt to the utter gate; these seemof Essex had of purpose sent for up from his ing to them the three principal wards of consigovernment at Plymouth by his letter, with par- deration: and that things being within the court ticular assignation to be here before the second in a readiness, a signal should be given and sent of February: Sir John Davis, one that had been to Essex, to set forward from Essex House, being his servant, and raised by him, and that bare no great distance off. Whereupon Essex, accomoffice in the Tower, being surveyor of the ord-panied with the noblemen of his party, and such nance, and one that he greatly trusted: and John Littleton, one they respected for his and valour.

wit

The consultation and conference rested upon three parts: the perusal of a list of those persons, whom they took to be of their party; the consideration of the action itself which they should set afoot, and how they should proceed in it; and the distribution of the persons, according to the action concluded on, to their several employ

ments.

The list contained the number of sixscore persons, noblemen, and knights, and principal gentlemen, and was, for the more credit's sake, of the Earl of Essex's own handwriting.

For the action itself, there was proposition made of two principal articles: the one of possessing the Tower of London; the other of surprising her majesty's person and the court; in which also deliberation was had, what course to hold with the city, either towards the effecting of the surprise, or after it was effected.

For the Tower, was alleged the giving a reputation to the action, by getting into their hand the principal fort of the realm, with the stores and provisions thereunto appertaining, the bridling of the city by that piece, and commodity of entrance in and possessing it, by the means of Sir John Davis. But this was by opinion of all rejected, as that which would distract their attempt from the more principal, which was the court, and as that which they made a judgment would follow incidently, if the court were once possessed.

But the latter, which was the ancient plot, as was well known to Southampton, was in the end, by the general opinion of them all, insisted and rested upon.

And the manner how it should be ordered and disposed was this: That certain selected persons of their number, such as were well known in

as should be prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose, should march towards the court; and that the former conspirators already entered should give correspondence to them without, as well by making themselves masters of the gates to give them entrance, as by attempting to get into their hand upon the sudden the halberds of the guard, thereby hoping to prevent any great resistance within, and by filling all full of tumult and confusion.

This being the platform of their enterprise, the second act of this tragedy was also resolved, which was, that my lord should present himself to her majesty, as prostrating himself at her feet, and desire the remove of such persons as he called his enemies from about her. And after that my lord had obtained possession of the queen, and the state, he should call his pretended enemies to a trial upon their lives, and summon a parliament, and alter the government, and obtain to himself and his associates such conditions as seemed to him and them good.

There passed a speech also in this conspiracy of possessing the city of London, which Essex himself, in his own particular and secret inclination, had ever a special mind unto: not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the court, but as an inducement and preparative to perform it upon a surer ground; an opinion bred in him, as may be imagined, partly by the great overweening he had of the love of the citizens; but chiefly, in all likelihood, by a fear, that although he should have prevailed in getting her majesty's person into his hands for a time, with his two or three hundred gentlemen, yet the very beams and graces of her majesty's magnanimity and prudent carriage in such disaster, working with the natural instinct of loyalty, which, of course, when fury is over, doth ever revive in the hearts of subjects of any good blood or mind, such