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so oft with his judges, as my lords that sit here know well. The judges are a kind of council of the king's by oath and ancient institution; but he useth them so indeed: he confers regularly with them upon their returns from their visitations and circuits; he gives them liberty, both to inform him, and to debate matters with him; and in the fall and conclusion commonly relies on their opinions.

receive some kind of reparation in this high court, I would do him that duty as not to pass his merits and just attributes, especially such as are limited with the present case, in silence: for it is fit to burn incense where evil odours have been cast and raised. Is it so that King James shall be said to be a violator of the liberties, laws, and Customs of his kingdoms? Or is he not rather a noble and constant protector and conservator of them all? I conceive this consisteth in main- As for the use of the prerogative, it runs within taining religion and the true church; in main- the ancient channels and banks: some things that taining the laws of the kingdom, which is the were conceived to be in some proclamations, comsubject's birthright: in temperate use of the pre-missions, and patents, as overflows, have been by rogative; in due and free administration of justice, and conversation of the peace of the land.

For religion, we must ever acknowledge, in the first place, that we have a king that is the principal conservator of true religion through, the Christian world. He hath maintained it not only with sceptre and sword, but likewise by his pen; wherein also he is potent.

He hath awaked and re-authorized the whole party of the reformed religion throughout Europe; which, through the insolency and divers artifices and enchantments of the adverse part, was grown a little dull and dejected: He hath summoned the fraternity of kings to enfranchise themselves from the usurpation of the see of Rome: He hath made himself a mark of contradiction for it. Neither can I omit, when I speak of religion, to remember that excellent act of his majesty, which, though it were done in a foreign country, yet the church of God is one, and the contagion of these things will soon pass seas and lands: I mean, in his constant and holy proceeding against the heretic Vorstius, whom, being ready to enter into the chair, and there to have authorized one of the most pestilent and heathenish heresies that ever was begun, his majesty by his constant opposition dismounted and pulled down. And I am persuaded there sits in this court one whom God doth the rather bless for being his majesty's instrument in that service.

I cannot remember religion and the church, but I must think of the seed-plots of the same, which are the universities. His majesty, as, for learning amongst kings, he is incomparable in his person; so likewise hath he been in his government a benign or benevolent planet towards learning: by whose influence those nurseries and gardens of learning, the universities, were never more in flower nor fruit.

For the maintaining of the laws, which is the hedge and fence about the liberty of the subject, I may truly affirm it was never in better repair. He doth concur with the votes of the nobles: "Noluinus leges Angliæ mutare." He is an enemy of innovation. Neither doth the universality of his own knowledge carry him to neglect or pass over the very forms of the laws of the land. Neither was there ever king, I am persuaded, that did consult

his wisdom and care reduced; whereby, no doubt, the main channel of his prerogative is so much the stronger. For evermore overflows do hurt the channel.

As for administration of justice between party and party, I pray observe these points. There is no news of great seal or signet that flies abroad for countenance or delay of causes: protections rarely granted, and only upon great ground, or by consent. My lords here of the council, and the king himself meddle not, as hath been used in former times, with matters of "meum" and "tuum," except they have apparent mixture with matters of estate, but leave them to the king's courts of law or equity. And for mercy and grace, without which there is no standing before justice, we see, the king now hath reigned twelve years in his white robe, without almost any aspersion of the crimson dye of blood. There sits my Lord Hobart, that served attorney seven years. I served with him. We were so happy, as there passed not through our hands any one arraignment for treason; and but one for any capital offence, which was that of the Lord Sanquhar; the noblest piece of justice, one of them, that ever came forth in any king's time.

As for penal laws, which lie as snares upon the subjects, and which were as a "nemo scit" to King Henry VII.; it yields a revenue that will scarce pay for the parchment of the king's records at Westminster.

And, lastly, for peace, we see manifestly his majesty bears some resemblance of that great name, "a prince of peace:" he hath preserved his subjects during his reign in peace, both within and without. For the peace with states abroad, we have it "usque ad satietatem :" and for peace in the lawyers' phrase, which count trespasses, and forces, and riots, to be "contra pacem;" let me give your lordships this token or taste, that this court, where they should appear, had never less to do. And, certainly, there is no better sign of "omnia bene," than when this court is in a still.

But, my lords, this is a sea of matter: and therefore I must give it over, and conclude, that there was never king reigned in this nation that did better keep covenant in preserving the liberties

and procuring the good of his people: so that I upon the block; and that he would sooner have must needs say for the subjects of England,

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the ravens sit upon his head at London bridge, than the crown at Westminster. And it is not your interlacing of your "God forbid," that will salve these seditious speeches; neither could it be a forewarning, because the matter was past and not revocable, but a very stirring up and incensing of the people. If I should say to you, for example, "If these times were like some former times, of King Henry VIII., or some other times, (which God forbid!) Mr. I. S., it would cost you your life; I am sure you would not think this to be a gentle warning, but rather that I incensed the court against you.

And as for this particular, touching the benevolence, wherein Mr. I. S. doth assign this breach of covenant, I leave it to others to tell you what the king may do, or what other kings have done: but I have told you what our king and my lords have done which I say and say again, is so far from introducing a new precedent, as it doth rather correct, and mollify, and qualify former pre-see you follow the example of them that brought cedents.

Now, Mr. I. S., let me tell you your fault in few words: for that I am persuaded you see it already, though I woo no man's repentance; but I shall, as much as in me is, cherish it where I find it. Your offence hath three parts knit together: Your slander, Your menace, and Your comparison.

For your slander, it is no less than that the king is perjured in his coronation oath. No greater offence than perjury; no greater oath than that of a coronation. I leave it: it is too great to aggravate.

Your menace, that if there were a Bullingbroke, or I cannot tell what, there were matter for him, is a very seditious passage. You know well, that howsoever Henry the Fourth's act, by a secret providence of God, prevailed, yet it was but a usurpation; and if it were possible for such a one to be this day, wherewith it seems your dreams are troubled, I do not doubt, his end would be

And for your comparison with Richard II., I

him upon the stage, and into print, in Queen Elizabeth's time, a most prudent and admirable queen. But let me entreat you, that when you will speak of Queen Elizabeth or King James, you would compare them to King Henry VII., or King Edward I., or some other parallels to which they are alike. And this I would wish both you and all to take heed of, how you speak seditious matter in parables, or by tropes or examples. There is a thing in an indictment called an inuendo; you must beware how you beckon or make signs upon the king in a dangerous sense; but I will contain myself, and press this no farther. I may hold you for turbulent or presumptuous; but I hope you are not disloyal: you are graciously and mercifully dealt with. And, therefore, having now opened to my lords, and, as I think, to your own heart and conscience, the principal part of your offence, which concerns the king, I leave the rest, which concerns the law, parliament, and the subjects that have given, to Mr. Serjeant and Mr Solicitor.

THE CHARGE

OF SIR FRANCIS BACON, KNIGHT,

THE KING'S ATTORNEY-GENERAL,

AGAINST

MR. LUMSDEN, SIR JOHN WENTWORTH, AND SIR JOHN HOLLES,

FOR SCANDAL AND TRADUCING OF THE KING'S JUSTICE IN THE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST WESTON, IN THE STAR CHAMBER, TENTH NOVEMBER, 1615.

THE offence wherewith I shall charge the three · offenders at the bar, is a misdemeanor of a high nature, tending to the defacing and scandal of justice in a great cause capital. The particular charge is this:

The king amongst many his princely virtues is known to excel in that proper virtue of the imperial throne, which is justice. It is a royal virtue, which doth employ the other three cardinal virtues in her service: wisdom to discover, and discern

nocent or innocent; fortitude to prosecute and execute; temperance, so to carry justice as it be not passionate in the pursuit, nor confused in involving persons upon light suspicion, nor precipitate in time. For this his majesty's virtue of justice, God hath of late raised an occasion, and erected, as it were, a stage or theatre, much to his honour, for him to show it, and act in the pursuit of the untimely death of Sir Thomas Overbury, and therein cleansing the land from blood. For, my lords, if blood spilt pure doth cry to heaven in God's ears, much more blood defiled with poison.

This great work of his majesty's justice, the more excellent it is, your lordships will soon conclude the greater is the offence of any that have sought to affront it or traduce it. And, therefore, before I descend unto the charge of these offenders, I will set before your lordships, the weight of that which they have sought to impeach; speaking somewhat of the general crime of impoisonment, and then of the particular circumstances of this fact upon Overbury; and, thirdly, and chiefly, of the king's great and worthy care and carriage in this business.

The offence of impoisonment is most truly figured in that device or description, which was made of the nature of one of the Roman tyrants, that he was "lutum sanguine maceratum," mire mingled or cemented with blood: for, as it is one of the highest offences in guiltiness, so it is the basest of all others in the mind of the offenders. Treasons"magnum aliquid spectant:" they aim at great things; but this is vile and base. I tell your lordships what I have noted, that in all God's book, both of the Old and New Testament, I find examples of all other offences and offenders in the world, but not any one of an impoisonment or an impoisoner. I find mention of fear of casual impoisonment: when the wild vine was shred into the pot, they came complaining in a fearful manner; Master, "mors in olla." And I find mention of poisons of beasts and serpents; the poison of asps is under their lips." But I find no example in the book of God of impoisoninent. I have sometimes thought of the words in the psalm, "let their table be made a snare." Which certainly is most true of impoisonment; for the table, the daily bread, for which we pray, is turned to a deadly snare: but, I think rather, that that was meant of the treachery of friends that were participant of the same table.

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laid for the mother, and was taken up by the child, and killed the child and so in that notorious case, whereupon the statute of 22 Henry VIII., chap. 9, was made, where the intent being to poison but one or two, poison was put into a little vessel of barm that stood in the kitchen of the Bishop of Rochester's house; of which barm pottage or gruel was made, wherewith seventeen of the bishop's family were poisoned: nay, divers of the poor that came to the bishop's gate, and had the broken pottage in alms, were likewise poisoned. And, therefore, if any man will comfort himself, or think with himself, Here is great talk of impoisonment, I hope I am safe; for I have no enemies; nor I have nothing that any body should long for: Why, that is all one; for he may sit at table by one for whom poison is prepared, and have a drench of his cup, or of his pottage.

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And so, as the poet saith, "concidit infelix. alieno vulnere ;" he may die another man's death. And, therefore, it was most gravely, and judiciously, and properly provided by that statute, that impoisonment should be high treason; because whatsoever offence tendeth to the utter subversion and dissolution of human society, is in the nature of high treason.

Lastly, it is an offence that I may truly say of it, "non est nostri generis, nec sanguinis." It is, thanks be to God, rare in the isle of Britain: it is neither of our country, nor of our church; you may find it in Rome or Italy. There is a region, or perhaps a religion for it: and if it should come amongst us, certainly it were better living in a wilderness than in a court.

For the particular fact upon Overbury. First, for the person of Sir Thomas Overbury: I knew the gentleman. It is true, his mind was great, but it moved not in any good order; yet, certainly it did commonly fly at good things; and the greatest fault that I ever heard of him, was, that he made his friend his idol. But I leave him as Sir Thomas Overbury.

But take him as he was, the king's prisoner in the tower; and then see how the case stands. In that place the state is as it were respondent to make good the body of a prisoner. And, if any thing happen to him there, it may, though not in this case, yet in some others, make an aspersion and reflection upon the state itself. For the person is utterly out of his own defence; his own care and providence can serve him nothing. He. But let us go on. It is an offence, my lords, is in custody and preservation of law; and we that hath the two spurs of offending; "spes have a maxim in our law, as my lords the judges perficiendi," and "spes celandi:" it is easily know, that when a state is in preservation of law, committed, and easily concealed. nothing can destroy it, or hurt it. And God It is an offence that is "tanquam sagitta nocte forbid but the like should be for the persons of volans;" it is the arrow that flies by night. It those that are in custody of law; and therefore discerns not whom it hits: for many times the this was a circumstance of great aggravation. poison is laid for one, and the other takes it; as Lastly, to have a man chased to death in such

in Sanders's case, where the poisoned apple was manner, as it appears now by matter of record;

for other privacy of the cause I know not, by think, I may truly affirm, that there was never in poison after poison; first roseaker, then arsenic, then mercury sublimate, then sublimate again; it is a thing would astonish man's nature to hear it. The poets feign, that the Furies had whips, that they were corded with poisonous snakes; and a man would think that this were the very case, to have a man tied to a post, and to scourge him to death with snakes; for so may truly be termed diversity of poisons.

Now I will come to that which is the principal; that is, his majesty's princely, yea, and, as I may truly term it, sacred proceeding in this cause. Wherein I will speak of the temper of his justice, and then of the strength thereof.

this kingdom, nor in any other kingdom, the blood of a private gentleman vindicated "cum tanto motu regni," or, to say better, "cum tanto plausu regni." If it had concerned the king or prince, there could not have been greater nor better commissioners to examine it. The term hath been almost turned into a "justitium," or vacancy; the people themselves being more willing to be lookers on in this business, than to follow their own. There hath been no care of discovery omitted, no moment of time lost. And, therefore, I will conclude this part with the saying of Solomon, "Gloria Dei celare rem, et gloria regis scrutari rem." And his majesty's honour is First, it pleased my lord chief justice to let me much the greater for that he hath showed to the know, that which I heard with great comfort, world in this business, as it hath relation to my which was the charge that his majesty gave to Lord of Somerset, whose case in no sort I do prehimself first, and afterwards to the commissioners judge, being ignorant of the secrets of the cause, in this case, worthy certainly to be written in but taking him as the law takes him hitherto, for letters of gold, wherein his majesty did forerank | a subject, I say, the king hath to his great honour and make it his prime direction, that it should be showed, that were any man, in such a case of carried, without touch to any that was innocent; blood, as the signet upon his right hand, as the nay, more, not only without impeachment, but Scripture says, yet would he put him off. without aspersion: which was a most noble and princely caution from his majesty; for men's reputations are tender things, and ought to be, like Christ's coat, without seam. And it was the more to be respected in this case, because it met with two great persons; a nobleman that his majesty had favoured and advanced, and his lady, being of a great and honourable house: though I think it be true that the writers say, That there is no pomegranate so fair or so sound, but may have a perished kernel. Nay, I see plainly, that in those excellent papers of his majesty's own handwriting, being as so many beams of justice issuing from that virtue which doth shine in him; I say, I see it was so evenly carried, without prejudice, whether it were a true accusation of the one part, or a practice of a false accusation on the other, as showed plainly that his majesty's judgment was "tanquam tabula rasa," as a clean pair of tables, and his ear "tanquam janua aperta," as a gate not side open, but wide open to truth, as it should be by little and little discovered. Nay, I see plainly, that, at the first, till farther light did break forth, his majesty was little moved with the first tale, which he vouchsafeth not so much as the name of a tale; but calleth it a rumour, which is a heedless tale.

As for the strength or resolution of his majesty's justice, I must tell your lordships plainly; I do not marvel to see kings thunder out justice in cases of treason, when they are touched themselves; and that they are "vindices doloris proprii:" but that a king should, "pro amore justitia" only, contrary to the tide of his own affection, for the preservation of his people, take such care of a cause of justice, that is rare and worthy to be celebrated far and near. For, I

Now will I come to the particular charge of these gentlemen, whose qualities and persons I respect and love; for they are all my particular friends: but now I can only do this duty of a friend to them, to make them know their fault to the full.

And, therefore, first, I will by way of narrative declare to your lordships the fact, with the occasion of it; then you shall have their confessions read, upon which you are to proceed, together with some collateral testimonies by way of aggravation: and, lastly, I will note and observe to your lordships the material points which I do insist upon for their charge, and so leave them to their answer: and this I will do very briefly, for the case is not perplexed.

That wretched man, Weston, who was the actor or mechanical party in this impoisonment, at the first day being indicted by a very substantial jury of selected citizens, to the number of nineteen, who found "billa vera," yet, nevertheless, at the first stood mute: but after some days' intermission, it pleased God to cast out the dumb devil, and that he did put himself upon his trial; and was, by a jury also of great value, upon his confession, and other testimonies, found guilty: so as thirty-one sufficient jurors have passed upon him. Whereupon judgment and execution was awarded against him. After this, being in preparation for another world, he sent for Sir John Overbury's father, and falling down upon his knees, with great remorse and compunction, asked him forgiveness. Afterwards, again, of his own motion, desired to have his like prayer of forgiveness recommended to his mother, who was absent. And at both times, out of the abundance of his heart, confessed that he was to die justly, and

that he was worthy of death. And after, again, at | ships, that this infusion of a slander into a king's his execution, which is a kind of sealing-time of ear, is of all forms of libels and slanders the worst. confessions, even at the point of death, although It is true, that kings may keep secret their informthere were tempters about him, as you shall hear ations, and then no man ought to inquire after by-and-by, yet he did again confirm publicly, them, while they are shrined in their breast. But that his examinations were true, and that he had where a king is pleased that a man shall answer been justly and honourably dealt with. Here is for his false information; there, I say, the false the narrative, which induceth the charge. The information to a king exceeds in offence the false. charge itself is this. information of any other kind; being a kind, since we are in a matter of poison, of impoisonment of a king's ear. And thus much for the offence of M. L.

For the offence of S. W. and H. I., which I said was in consort, it was shortly this. At the time and place of the execution of Weston, to supplant his Christian resolution, and to scandal

Mr. L., whose offence stands alone single, the offence of the other two being in consort; and yet all three meeting in their end and centre, which was to interrupt or deface this excellent piece of justice; Mr. L., I say, meanwhile between Weston's standing mute and his trial, takes upon him to make a most false, odious, and libellous relation, containing as many untruths asize the justice already past, and perhaps to cut lines, and sets it down in writing with his own hand, and delivers it to Mr. Henry Gibb, of the bed-chamber, to be put into the king's hand; in which writing he doth falsify and pervert all that was done the first day at the arraignment of Weston; turning the pike and point of his imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Justice of England; whose name, thus occurring, I cannot pass by, and yet I cannot skill to flatter. But this I will say of him, and I would say as much to ages, if I should write a story; that never man's person and his place were better met in a business, than my Lord Coke and my lord chief justice, in the cause of Overbury.

Now, my lords, in this offence of M. L., for the particulars of these slanderous articles, I will observe them unto you when the writings and examinations are read; for I do not love to set the gloss before the text. But, in general, I note to your lordships, first, the person of M. L. I know he is a Scotch gentleman, and thereby more igno- | rant of our laws and forms: but I cannot tell whether this doth extenuate his fault in respect of ignorance, or aggravate it much, in respect of presumption; that he would meddle in that that he understood not: but I doubt it came not out of his quiver: some other man's cunning wrought upon this man's boldness. Secondly, I may note unto you the greatness of the cause, wherein he, being a private mean gentleman, did presume to deal. M. L. could not but know to what great and grave commissioners the king had committed this cause; and that his majesty in his wisdom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this business. For it is the part of commissioners, as well to report the business, as to manage the business; and then his Inajesty might have been sure to have had all things well weighed, and truly informed: and, therefore, it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put forth his hand to so high and tender a business, which was not to be touched but by employed hands. Thirdly, I note to your lord

off the thread of that which is to come, these gentlemen, with others, came mounted on horseback, and in a ruffling and facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon questions: and what questions? Directly cross to that that had been tried and judged. For what was the point tried? That Weston had poisoned Overbury. What was S. W.'s question? Whether Weston did poison Overbury or no? A contradictory directly: Weston answered only, that he did him wrong; and turning to the sheriff, said, You promised me I should not be troubled at this time. Nevertheless, he pressed him to answer; saying he desired to know it, that he might pray with him. I know not that S. W. is an ecclesiastic, that he should cut any man from the communion of prayer. And yet for all this vexing of the spirit of a poor man, now in the gates of death; Weston, nevertheless, stood constant, and said, I die not unworthily; my lord chief justice hath my mind under my hand, and he is an honourable and just judge. This is S. W. his offence.

For H. I., he was not so much a questionist ; but wrought upon the other's questions, and, like a kind of confessor, wished him to discharge his conscience, and to satisfy the world. What world? I marvel! it was sure the world at Tyburn. For the world at Guildhall, and the world at London, was satisfied before; "teste" the bells' that rung. But men have got a fashion now-adays, that two or three busy-bodies will take upon them the name of the world, and broach their own conceits, as if it were a general opinion. Well, what more? When they could not work upon Weston, then H. I. in an indignation turned about his horse, when the other was turning over the ladder, and said, he was sorry for such a conclusion; that was, to have the state honoured or justified; but others took and reported his words in another degree: but that I leave, seeing it is not confessed.

H. I., his offence had another appendix, before

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