CHAPTER LXXV. CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF LORD CLARENDON TILL HE WAS He CHAP. A. D. 1641. Dangerous bill to preand solution of vent a dis ment sup IN the "History of the Rebellion" there is strong, and I think just, censure thrown upon the bill, which was next brought forward "for the perpetual parliament," as it was afterwards called; but there is as little doubt that "the noble Historian" not only acquiesced in it, but applauded it. says, "it is not credible what an universal reception concurrence it met with, although it was to remove the land- the parliamarks and to destroy the foundation of the kingdom." The ported by truth is, that he and others saw the mischiefs which arise Hyde. from abrupt dissolutions, but were blind to the dangers of an irresponsible oligarchy uncontrollable by constitutional means to be overthrown only by military despotism. It is deeply to be regretted that the reasonable amendment, carried in the Lords, was rejected by the Lower House,— limiting the operation of the Bill to two years,—within which time it might have been reasonably expected that all grievances might be redressed, and all constitutional controversies adjusted, so that the power of dissolving the parliament might be safely restored to the Crown. Hyde when this bill had passed. But although Hyde was carried away by the general im- Alarm of pulse, when the bill had passed, he soon saw "that the Commons now that they could not be dissolved without their own consent (the apprehension and fear whereof had always before kept them within some bounds of modesty), they called any power they pleased to assume to themselves a branch of their privileges of which they were the only proper judges.' He now changed his party, but (I must say), without being at Hist. Reb. b. i. The House resolved on the motion of Serjeant Wilde, "that when they had declared what was the law of the land, it was a breach of their privileges that it should not be obeyed; " and this doctrine they applied even to their right to issue orders to raise troops in the King's name to fight against his person. CHAP. LXXV. He goes Royalist side. all liable to the imputation of a change from mercenary motives, which is conveyed by the modern word "ratting." He did not, like Wentworth, barter his principles for preferover to the ment and power. He thought, very plausibly, that enough had been done to redress grievances, and that the danger now was from popular usurpation, much more than from an extension of prerogative. Whatever opinion might be entertained of the King's sincerity or secret inclinations, the royal assent had actually been given to acts which, in a great measure, adapted the constitution to the actual circumstances of the country. And although there was a pestilent set of lawyers, who contended that acts of parliament limiting the prerogative were not binding, the same national energy which had extorted these acts would have been ready to defend them. He threw his weight into the royal scale, that it might not kick the beam. He says that his resolution was much strengthened by conversations he had about this time with some of the popular leaders who betrayed their antimonarDesigns of chical views. "I do not think one man wise enough to govern us all," said Henry Martin,—and Fiennes, at this time a furious presbyterian, told him "that there were many who would encounter the worst extremities of civil war if the King should resist the abolition of episcopacy, for that there was a great number of good men who wished to lose their lives before they would ever submit to that government." * some popular leaders. Hyde op poses ex clusion of Bishops from parliament. It was upon a church question that he first split with his old friends. After the failure of the first attempt to exclude the Bishops from parliament, a Select Committee had reported, "That the legislative and judicial power of Bishops in the House of Peers is a great hinderance to the discharge of their spiritual functions, prejudicial to the Commonwealth, and fit to be taken away." Against a bill founded on this resolution, Hyde made an earnest speech, arguing that it went to change the whole frame and constitution of the kingdom, and of the parliament itself. Lord Falkland defended it-according to Hyde- as the only expedient to save the church, but he dealt by no means tenderly with the arguments of his friend against it, * Life, i. 92. and boldly insisted that both on spiritual and civil consi- CHAP. derations the Bishops ought to be excluded. This encounter in debate did not interrupt their friendship. After the difference of opinion between them had for a short time extended to some matters of minor importance, it entirely vanished, and they continued ever after politically, as well as personally, united, for there was now manifested a clear intention to upset the Church and the Monarchy. LXXV. 1641. episcopacy. The bill for excluding the Bishops from parliament having March, passed the Commons, was followed by a bill "for the utter Bill for abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops, Bishops, their abolishing Chancellors and Commissioners, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, Choristers and Canons, and other under officers, out of the Church of England."* This Hyde strenuously opposed, but the second reading was carried by a majority of 139 to 108. When it got into a committee of the whole House,—by way of a manœuvre, that he might be silenced, he was placed in the chair; but he, considering counter-manoeuvring pious in such a cause, tells us, that by dexterous management as Chairman, he was enabled greatly to obstruct it, and as it contained clauses for the new government of the Church, about which few were agreed, it had made but little progress when parliamentary proceedings were suspended by the King's journey into Scotland. † first inter view with Before then an event had taken place which had a power- Oct. 1641. ful influence on the destiny of Hyde. He had held no inter- Hyde's course with the Court, and there, till very lately, he had been regarded with great aversion. But one day, while the Episcopacy abolition bill was in Committee, he was informed by Mr. Percy, brother of the Earl of Northumberland, that the * 2 Parl. Hist. 725. 792. 814. 916. While this committee was sitting, he continued on terms of great courtesy with the promoters of the bill. He says, "the House keeping those disorderly hours, and seldom rising till after four of the clock in the afternoon, they frequently importuned him to dine with them at Mr. Pym's lodging, which was at Sir Richard Manby's house, in a little court behind Westminster Hall, where he and Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Hazelrig, and two or three more upon a stock kept a table where they transacted much business, and invited thither those of whose conversion they had any hope." It appears that Hyde often accepted the invitation. Life, i. 80. Charles I. Hours and habits during Long Parliament. LXXV. CHAP. King desired to speak with him. He went, and the following is his account of the interview, -written, however, many years after. Charles told him "that he heard from all hands how much he was beholden to him, and that when all his servants in the House of Commons either neglected his service or could not appear usefully in it, he took all occasion to do him service; for which he thought fit to give him his own thanks, and to assure him that he would remember it to his advantage. The King took notice of his affection for the Church, for which he said he thanked him more than all the rest, which the other acknowledged with the duty that became him, and said that he was very happy that his Majesty was pleased with what he did; but if he had commanded him to have withdrawn his affection and reverence for the Church, he would not have obeyed him, which his Majesty said, made him love him the better. Then he discoursed of the passion of the House, and of the bill then brought in against Episcopacy, and asked him whether he thought they would be able to carry it? To which he answered, that he believed they could not; at least, that it would be very long first. Nay,' replied the King, if you will look to it, that they do not carry it before I go for Scotland, which will be when the armies are disbanded, I will undertake for the Church after that time.' Why, then,' said the other, by the grace of God, it will not be in much danger.' With which the King was well pleased, and dismissed him with very gracious expressions." Q. as to be taken by a good citizen? Hyde was now a regular adherent to the royal cause, and part then to if we forget the insincerity of Charles and the supposed necessity of imposing harder conditions for securing what had been obtained, we should be disposed severely to blame those who wished still further to humble the crown: but Hampden and Whitelock, who were attached to the constitution, and who at the opening of the parliament had hardly differed from any sentiment of Hyde and Falkland, remained unsatisfied; and as they well knew the character of the King and the circumstances of the times, we must be slow to blame * Life, i. 93. LXXV. the course which they adopted. It led in the result to civil CHAP. war: but if Charles had been allowed quietly to carry into effect his plans in Scotland, and with a well supplied treasury to support an army in England, all the bills to which he had recently assented might have been treated like the Petition of Right; he might have wreaked the vengeance which he certainly meditated upon the popular leaders; and he might finally have triumphed over the liberties of his country. "Remon With a view to check the reaction which was very per- Nov. 1641. ceptible in the King's favour on his return from Scotland, strance" by the famous "Remonstrance" was moved, recapitulating in parliament. harsh language all the errors of his reign, and all the grievances under which the people had laboured. This Hyde strenuously opposed as unnecessary and insulting, and it was carried only by a small majority.* A question then arose as to whether it should be published before it was communicated to the Lords; and he was in great danger of being sent to the Tower for having proposed, after the fashion of the Lords, to enter a protest against a resolution to that effect. maiden state paper. He now wrote his maiden state paper in the royal cause, Hyde's which was a manifesto in the King's name, in answer to the "Remonstrance." He says, that he first sketched it as an exercise without any thought of its being used; but showing it to some friends, it was carried to the King who was highly pleased with it, and adopted it. The tone of it is certainly excellent, and if the composition be not quite pure it is at any rate in better taste than the addresses of the parliament. Falkland and Colepepper were now introduced into office as Secretary of State and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the King again sending for Hyde told him, in the presence of Solicitor the Queen, "that he was much beholden to him for many good services; and that now he had preferred two of his friends, it was time to give him some testimony of his favour, and therefore he had sent to him to tell him that he intended to make him his Solicitor General in the place of him who had served him so ill."†- Hyde, "God forbid." King, 159 to 148. 2 Parl. Hist. 937. 942. 66 † Oliver St. John. Dec. 1641. He refuses office of General. |