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included then, and afterwards, a number of eminent scholars, such as Bembo, Sadoleti, Scaliger, Paulo Manuzio, &c. The finest writer and most original genius was Muretus, who certainly belonged to them, notwithstanding the opinion of Thomasius and Jortin to the contrary.*

To ridicule those literary dandies as well as to defend himself, Erasmus wrote his dialogue, called "Ciceronianus,” in which he employed in turn, learning, argument and humor, with the happiest effect. After ridiculing the Ciceronians, who are represented by Nosoponus, Erasmus, under the name of Boulephorus, enters on the scene, and shows that a constant aping of Cicero can produce nothing but imperfect imitations, confined entirely to a range of objects and ideas not all suited to our age; that it would be far better to write, as we must suppose Cicero would were he now alive. There is then a criticism of the style of a great number of ancient and modern writers judiciously done in general. Nothing can be finer than the description of Nosoponus, the Ciceronian, sitting down to compose a letter, fortified by three huge indexes of all the locutions of his adored author, that as many porters could scarce carry. His body is first prepared by slight repasts of blandest digestion-as ten corinths and some two or three coriander seed encrusted with sugarlest the intellectual ray serene be clouded by some corporeal exhalation; his mind must be undisturbed by all human passions-all earthly cares. He has a chamber sequestered from all interruption, in the interior of the house, with thick walls, double doors and windows, every chink minutely closed, where the sharpest noises, as clattering of blacksmiths and scolding of women can scarce be heard-no one is permitted to occupy the adjoining apartment lest the vocal nose of slumber should break the dead repose. There, in the stillest night, after many a weary vigil, he produces an epistle of Lacedemonian brevity, but perfectly Ciceronian, in which no word, no phrase can be found that has not been sanctified by the usage of the immortal Tully. Here too, he sedulously elaborates such extemporary speeches as he may be supposed to need in the ordinary course of events. If he unfortunately be forced to inquinate "the pure well of Latin undefiled," by engaging in conversation where his phrases must be made on the spur of the occasion, the involuntary stains must be washed away by drawing for whole months from the Ciceronian fountains.

Few of the writings of Erasmus possess more pleasantness than the Ciceronianus, but its great interest expired, of course,

* Jortin's Life of Erasmus, tom. i. pp. 404-5, and see, on the opposite side, Ruhnkenius. Præf. ad Opera Mureti. Lug. Bat. 1789.

with the Ciceronians. The publication of this learned and witty dialogue raised nearly as great a clamour as his theological works. Many writers were affronted because they had not been cited, and others, because they had not been cited with sufficient commendation. A number of the French scholars were greatly offended because he had classed Badius Ascensius, a bookseller and printer, with the erudite Budæus. Doletus and Julius Cæsar wrote in defence of Cicero with the scurrility then common with scholars and divines; the latter called Erasmus in Ciceronian Latin, infidel, bastard and drunkard.

Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes
Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros.

After the death of Erasmus, however, both Dolet* and Scaliger wrote verses to his memory; the latter even called him a god!

Ille ego qui insanæ ridebam vulnera mortis
Conditaque Etnea tela trisulca manu

Ad quodvis stupeo monimentum, ac territus adsto
Maxima cum videam numina posse mori.t

Whatever might have been the opinion of a few critics, the public at large judged the Ciceronian controversy justly. The laboured, spiritless pages of the Ciceronians were read by few; the belgic trifles of Erasmus were in every hand. The reason is plain; by their fundamental principles, the Ciceronians were obliged to use an eternal sameness of locution and wordy paraphrases, which necessarily deprive their style of point or individuality; besides, they in fact belonged to other times. Erasmus by assuming an extensive vocabulary, was enabled to express himself with variety, precision and raciness, and to put himself fully on a level with the age.

Nearly about the same time Erasmus sent forth his "Treatise on the true pronunciation of the Latin and Greek languages ;" a dry subject, but of importance when both those languages were much spoken. Besides the learning of the work, he has contrived to relieve its aridity by the sprightly manner of treating it.

The establishment of the reformed religion at Basil, in the close of 1529, induced Erasmus to quit that city, to which he was much attached, and where he had many faithful friends. He thought that a residence in what might be called the enemy's

*

Opera. Erasmi. tom. i. Epitaphia in Laud. Erasm.

t Jo. Alb. Fabricius Syll. Opusc. 393.

Gibbon has some good remarks on Ciceronianus and the Ciceronians.
Beat. Rhenanus

camp, would appear inconsistent with the firm devotion he had always expressed to the Catholic church. He had all along disapproved of the violence of Luther, and the schism of the church, and, unquestionably, the progress of events was little calculated to make him recede from his original policy. As in every opposition there are discordant materials held together by no other bond than dissatisfaction towards the party they resist, so among those called Reformed, besides those attached to the tenets of Luther, were many possessing their own peculiar religious notions-many who disliked the Papal authority for their private reasons-many who had no religion at all. By their quarrels, their intemperate writings and divisions, they laid themselves open to the censures of their enemies, and discouraged many from deserting what they thought a leaky vessel in a storm, to enter a shallop where every one was fighting for the helm. The scandalous lives too of many who had joined in the Reformation, threw discredit on the cause.

Among the Reformed, some set up for prophets; some doubted of Christ; some of the Scriptures; some denied baptism, and some were for circumcision. Luther, Melancthon, Ecolampadius, Zwuinglius, Pomeranus, Carolostadt, all differed on various points. Even Luther had advanced from position to position, until many would not go on who had willingly taken the first step, while others of more ardent temperament thought he "had fainted, and could not reap." The doctrine of transubstantiation, which, from the time of Berenger, had had its opposers, divided the immediate friends of the Reformer, and destroyed the effect that might have been produced by the zealous co-operation of a singularly talented, learned and generally speaking, virtuous body of men.*

We have never seen any reason to doubt the sincere attachment of Erasmus to his mother church, but had it been otherwise, is it possible that the mild, peaceable Erasmus could have put himself under the guidance of Luther? Did it follow that because he liked not certain dogmas of the Roman church that he approved all the dogmas Luther held or was to hold?

The inhabitants of Basil saw, with regret, the departure of Erasmus, and escorted him for some distance. At Fribourg, where he took up his residence afterwards, they were so joyful to receive him, that the magistrates would have honoured him with a public entry, had he consented to it.

Opera Erasmi. tom. iii. p. 817. Epist. 703-832. Epist. 714-764. Epist. 846.Jo. Eckius. Enchiridion Loc. Com. adversus Lutherum 6.--Lugduni, 1561.

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To his other maladies, gout was now added; but his editions of Basil, Chrysostom, Ecclesiastes or method of preaching, show that gout, gravel and old age had not abated his literary ardor. Many editions of authors have his name prefixed to them, to which he probably wrote nothing more than the preface or dedication. His fame stood so high that these commendatory productions were nolens volens, frequently wrung from him. He also printed a new edition of his letters, which were as much sought after, on account of his opinions on matters which then divided the world as their jocundity and humour.

Many of his late letters speak on religion, and are perfectly in accordance with the opinions expressed at the very dawn of the Reformation. The monks and abuses of religion are still censured, and the merits of Luther and his errors, honestly stated. The same moderation and desire of Christian harmony was the constant object of his wishes and prayers. Perhaps no man, without rank, wealth or place, ever exhibited such a brilliant galaxy of correspondents, among whom are kings, princes, popes, cardinals, &c.

Origen was also prepared for the press by Erasmus, but not published until after his death. This was the last of the fathers of the church that received the corrections of his hand. To say the truth, we think he has lauded those primitive authors of the church far beyond their merits, but they were useful in that day in supplanting the schoolmen. We have merely cited the principal works of Erasmus, though many, abounding in good sense and learning, have been omitted: indeed, it would take more pages than are assigned us merely to give a catalogue raisonné of the contents of eleven ponderous folios.

Among the other inconveniences of Fribourg, he complains of being dreadfully flea-bitten, but the bites of rabid theologians annoyed him still more. It is difficult to say whether Catholic or Lutheran belaboured him most. He was naturally free of speech, and to the last had not spared either party in his letters. Honours and wealth would have crowned his latter days, but he positively refused what he considered would be mere splendid burdens to him. The Provostship of Deventer, offered to him by Pope Paul III, was refused. It is even said by some writers that a Cardinal's hat would have been given had his life been prolonged, but it is perfectly certain that it would have been rejected. His own country became anxious to regain the pos

*

Epistolæ Ineditæ Erasmi. Basiliæ 1779. Epist. 73.

† Opera Erasmi iii. 1450. Epist. 1230-1485. Epist. 1265.

Ibid. 1489. Epist. 1260. § Ibid. iii. 1348. Epist. 1152-1361. Epist. 1163.
Ibid. iii. 1510-1280,

session of her greatest ornament, and the emperor and the court anxiously insisted on his return-and some of his letters, not alluded to by his biographers, show that his intention was to revisit Brabant.*

He went to Basil in 1535, to superintend the printing of his works at the presses of his old friends, the Frobens. Previously to leaving Fribourg, he had been in bad health, and he became sensible from the aggravated symptoms of his complicated maladies, that his dissolution was not far off. Indeed, if we may believe his biographers, he prophecied the very time of his death.

Looking over and arranging his correspondence, he began in the language of the poet :

"To feel like one who treads alone

Some banquet-hall deserted,

Whose lights are fled, whose garlands dead,
And all but he departed."

The death of numerous friends, which had occurred at intervals, were now brought before him at one fell swoop, and while making the melancholy review, he often exclaimed "would that I were with them and at rest, if such be the will of God."

He

Two days before his death, Amerbach, Froben and Episcopius coming to visit him, in his usual jocose manner, he compared them to Job's comforters, and asked, "why they had not rent their clothes, and covered their heads with ashes." expired calmly on the 12th of — 1536, aged about sixtynine or seventy. As he died in a Protestant city, surrounded by Protestant friends, where the aid of the Catholic religion could not be obtained, there was much conjecture as to his faith in his last moments; but his perfect tranquillity, and the indifference with which he had always viewed death, leave no good reason to suppose that he changed the sentiments he had uniformly expressed.

Beatus Rhenanus describes him "as rather below the common stature, yet not short, compactly and elegantly made, with a fair complexion, flaxen hair when young, blue eyes, a gay countenance, a slender voice, but pleasant and distinct, neat and decent in his dress, modest and agreeable in conversation, and an uncommonly constant friend." To this, we may add an uncommonly forgiving enemy, as is apparent from his conduct to Dorpius, Polydore Virgil, Faber, Longolius, and many others.

* Epist. Ined. Epist. 80.

+ Beat. Rhenanus.

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