upon me for correction, will excuse the prolixity, which I will not increase farther by a repetition of what has been said; for even a short account of each, where the variety of things touched on is so great, would amount to a long story. I will only crave leave to say, That of the three points which the learned Mr B. undertook to make out, every one has been carried against him; and that the incidental mistakes which he has run into have not failed to increase in number, proportionably as this article of his exceeded in length.

ATTIC DIALECT.-ZALEUCUS'S LAWS.

[PP. 353-363, Ed. London, 1699.]

IN the same Preface (a) it presently follows, Ns où tiμâtai Θεὸς ὑπ ̓ ἀνθρώπου φαύλου, οὐδὲ θεραπεύεται δαπάναις οὐδὲ ΤΡΑΓΩΙΔΙΑΙΣ τῶν ἁλισκομένων, καθάπερ μοχθηρὸς ἄνθρωπος" where, instead of aλKOμévwv, which in this place makes no tolerable sense, the true reading seems to be aλoyovμévwv; and then the meaning will be, "That God is not honoured by a wicked man, nor pleased with the costly and pompous sacrifices of polluted persons, as if he was a vile mortal." Now this paragraph alone is sufficient to detect the imposture of these pretended Laws; for, as I have shown before, the true Zaleucus lived before Draco, who made Laws for the Athenians at or before Olymp. xxxIx; but the word TPATQIAIA was not coined, nor the thing expressed by it invented, till Thespis won the goat, the prize of his play, about Olymp. LX, above LXXX years after Draco. How then p. 354. came the word Tpay@dia into the Laws of Zaleucus, which were written above cxx years before Thespis? I do not wonder now that Zaleucus was so generally believed to have all his Laws from Minerva; for nothing less than a Deity could have foreknown the word Tpaywdía, a whole century and more before it came into being. But besides that the very word was not at all heard of in Zaleucus's time, we must observe too that it is used by him metaphorically "for sumptuousness and pomp," which is a sense that could not be put upon it till a long time after Thespis; for in the infancy of Tragedy there was nothing pompous nor sumptuous upon the Stage; no scenes, nor pictures, nor machines, nor rich habits for the actors; which, after they were introduced there, gave the sole occasion to the metaphor. For the first scene was

(a) The pretended Preface of Zaleucus which Stobæ has described.

made by Agatharchus for one of Eschylus's Plays, as Vitruvius tells us,—“Primum Agatharchus Athenis, Eschylo docente Tragœdiam, scenam fecit, et de ea commentarium reliquit." This Agatharchus was a painter, who learned the art by himself, without any master, as Olympiodorus says in his MS. Commentary on Plato's Phaedo, Γεγόνασι τινες καὶ αὐτοδίδακτοι ̔Ηράκλειτος ὁ Αἰγύπτιος γεωργός .... Φήμιος, Αγάθαρχος ὁ γραφεύς. For it is most probable he means the same Agatharchus that made Eschylus's scene for him; and that all the other ornaments were first brought in by Eschylus, we have the unanimous testimony of all antiquity. Now the first Play that schylus made p. 355. was at Olymp. LXX, and the last at Olymp. cxxx; and in what

part of this XL years' interval he invented those ornaments for pomp and show, we cannot now tell. But suppose, if you please, that he invented them at the very first Play, and that the metaphor that makes Tpaywdia signify pomp, came into use upon the sight of them; neither of which are at all probable: yet even still it will be above CLX years after the time of the true Zaleucus.

The last argument that I shall offer against the Laws of Zaleucus is this that the Preface of them, which Stobæus has produced, is written in the common dialect, as the old grammarians have called it; whereas it ought to be in Doric, for that was the language of the Locri Epizephyrii, as it appears from the Treatise of Timæus the Locrian, extant in Plato; and from the Epigrams of Nossis. I do not know that it has yet been observed that this

1. Vitruv. Pref. Lib. vii.

2. But we may make a near guess at it from the accounts we have of Agatharchus the painter, who first made a scene, according to Vitruvius, whom I cited above. Ayaθαρχος, says Harpocration, τούτου μνημονεύει Δημοσθένης· ἦν δὲ ζωγράφος ἐπιφανὴς, Ευδήμου υἱὸς, τὸ δὲ γένος Σάμιος. The very same words are to be found in Suidas. Now the passage where Demosthenes speaks of him is in his Oration against Midias, p. 360; but there is a larger account of him in Plutarch's Life of Alcibiades, and the largest of all in Andocides's Oration against Alcibiades. The substance of all their story is, that Alcibiades forcibly detained Agatharchus in his house, and would not let him stir out till he had painted it. Now Alcibiades died Olymp. xciv. 1 (a), when he was about XL years old (b); and we can hardly suppose him less than xx when he had this frolic upon Agatharchus; especially if what Demosthenes's Scholiast says be true, that the reason of it was because Agatharchus was taken in bed with Alcibiades's Miss. Agatharchus then was by this account alive still about Olymp. LXXXIX. 1, which is XXXVI years after Olymp. LXXX, when Eschylus's last Play was acted. It is plain then he was but a young man, even at Olymp. LXXX; and if we consider he was (AUTOloaKTOS) his own master in painting, and took it up of himself, we can scarce suppose he could invent the painting of scenes till very near that Olympiad.

Nossis was a Locrian; and therefore I shall make bold to give an
epigram or two of hers, which will show at once both her country
and her dialect.

Ὦ ξεῖν, εἰ τύ γ ̓ ἔπεις ποτὶ καλλίχορον Μιτυλάναν,
Τον Σαπφούς χαρίτων ἄνθος ἐναυσόμενος,
Εἰπεῖν, ὡς Μούσαισι φίλα, τήνᾳ τε Λόκρισσα

Τίκτει ἴσαις, ὅτι θ ̓ οἱ τοὔνομα Νόσσις· ἴθι.

So this epigram is to be read, which is faulty in Holstenius and
Berkelius's notes upon Stephanus; and the meaning of it is, that
Nossis addresses herself to a traveller, and desires him, if ever he
go to Mitylene, where Sappho was born, to say, That a Locrian
woman wrote poems like hers, and that her name was Nossis.
Ισαις is the accusative Doric and Holic for ἴσας, i. e. χάριτας :
and that this is the true sense of it will be further evident from
another epigram of hers, not published before, where she cele- p. 356.
brates the Locrians, her countrymen :

Ἔντεα Βρέντιοι ἄνδρες ἀφ ̓ αἰνομόρων βάλον ὤμων,
Θεινόμενοι Λοκρών χερσὶν ὑπ ̓ ὠκυμάχων·

Ὧν ἀρετὰν ὑμνοῦντα, θεῶν ὑπ ̓ ἀνάκτορα κεῖνται
Οὐδὲ ποθεῦντι κακῶν παχέας, οὓς ἔλιπον.

The import of which is, That the Locrians had obtained a victory
over the Brutians, their neighbours, and had hung up in the tein-
ples of the Gods those shields they had taken, which now did not
desire to return to those cowards that wore them before. And by
this we may have some discovery of Nossis's age, which hitherto
has been thought uncertain; for the Βρέντιοι or Βρέττιοι, whom
she speaks of there, were not formed into a body, nor called by
that name, till Olymp. cvi. 1, in Dionysius the Younger's time'.
She cannot therefore be more ancient than Olymp. cv1; but that
she was a little younger, is plain from her epigram2 upon the tomb
of Rhintho the Tarentine, or, as she calls him, the Syracusian,
her contemporary, who lived in the time of the first Ptolemy, about
Olymp. cxiv3. Her mother's name was Theuphilis the daughter
of Cleocha; as another epigram of hers taught me, yet unpub-
lished :

1.

Ἥρα τιμηέσσα. Λακείνιον ἃ τὸ θυώδες

Πολλάκις οὐρανόθεν νισσομένα καθορῆς,

Δέξαι βύσσινον εἷμα, τό τοι μετὰ παιδὸς ἀγαπᾶς
Νοσσίδος ὕφανεν Θεόφιλος ὁ Κλεόχας.

Diod. p. 418. Strabo, p. 255. Justin. xxiii. 1.

In the MS. it is, Oevpiλns; and we may observe, that even this too confirms it, that she was a Locrian, because she speaks of Aakeiviov; for the famous temple of Juno Lacinia was not far from Locri, in the neighbourhood of Crotona. She had a daughter called Melinna, as another MS. epigram seems to show, though p. 357. it is possible she may mean there another's daughter, and not her own; however it deserves to be put here for its singular elegancy :—

Αὐτομέλιννα τέτυκται· ἴδ ̓ ὡς ἀγανὸν τὸ πρόσωπον
̓Αμὲ ποτοπτάζειν μειλιχίως δοκέει

Ὡς ἐτύμως θυγάτηρ τὰ ματέρι πάντα ποτῴκει
Ἡ καλὸν, ὅκκα πέλοι τέκνα γονεῦσιν ἴσα.

AVTouéλurva, that is, Melinna herself, not her picture, it is so ex-
actly like her; so αὐτοζωή, αὐτοαλήθεια. In the MS. it is, ἃ μὲ,
but the true reading is ἀμὲ, Doric for ἐμὲ; for πωτῴκει, the
MS. has it poσke; but I have changed pos into the Doric
preposition oτí. From the preterperfect tense of verbs the
Dorians form a present; as from dédouxa they make dedoikw, from
δέδυκα, δεδύκω ; so that from προσέοικε, “to be like,” as a pic-
ture is like the original, our female poet forms TоT-coiкw, and
then contracts it TоTкw. So much was necessary to be said to
make this epigram intelligible. I return now to the Locrian
dialect, which a Locrian song, Aokρikov aσμa, in Athenæus',
sufficiently proves to be the Doric:

Μὴ προδῶς ἅμ ̓ ἱκετεύω· πρὶν καὶ μολὲν κεῖνον, ἀνίστω·
Μὴ κακὸν μέγα ποιήσῃς καὶ με τὴν δειλάκραν.

̓Αμέρα καὶ ἤδη τὸ φῶς διὰ τὰς θυρίδος οὐκ ἐσορῆς;

So this passage ought to be read, and the version should be thus:

"Ne prodas me, obsecro: prius quam ille veniat, surge," &c. Sunt verba mulieris ad mochum suum, ut surgere velit, priusquam vir domum redeat et ipsum deprendat." And it is now apparent what good reason Athenæus had to call the Locrian songs μoxikol: and we cannot doubt but he means the Locrians of Italy, if we consider what account he gives of the women of that p. 358. place. And now, to bring this argument to a conclusion, since it evidently appears that the Locrian language was Doric, without all question the laws of that city were written in that dialect, 2. Athen. p. 516.

1. Athen. p. 697.