From The Modern Review. of our government has gradually undergone a remarkable change, and commerce ENGLISH literature has, during the last is represented in the Cabinet and among few years, been enriched by some excel- the chief officers of her Majesty's governlent biographies; and Mr. John Morley ment in a manner which would have been takes a high place among the best of the deemed impossible thirty-five years ago. contributors to our knowledge of our great It is ceasing to be true that the aristocracy contemporaries, by his "Life of Richard and the landed gentry are the governing Cobden."* He was fortunate in his sub-classes of the nation. The increase of ject; but he brings to his task rare qualifications, and he has used the mass of material which was at his disposal with a discrimination and tact which have been already universally recognized. In telling the story of Cobden's life, his biographer has had to deal with many delicate questions and to touch matters in which living persons are concerned; and yet there is not, I believe, a single line in the two volumes, which can cause pain to any reader, or which the writer will regret having written. The angry feelings of the controversies in which Mr. Cobden was engaged were very rarely able to stir the self-possessed calmness of the great leaguer's mind, and they are not permitted to mar the record of his life. Mr. Morley has acted wisely and well in not recalling petty grievances, but has contented himself with giving what can not fail to be a most valuable addition to the sources, on which the future historian will have to draw for materials, while describing a period of history more fruitful in lasting influence upon English society than any other of modern times. For while the anti-Corn-Law agitation in its results upon public peace and prosperity has been productive of incalculable benefit to the community, yet its results have not been confined to securing freedom of trade and consequent increase of comfort, and prosperity. The circumstance that, with strange blindness to their own real welfare, the representatives of the landed interest resisted the repeal of the taxes on food to the very last, compelled commercial men to enter into political life in a manner previously unknown, and to acquire such skill in the use of the weapons of party warfare that the whole character wealth, the higher education and the prac tical business habits of the mercantile community have secured for them an influence in the country, to which the conservative and aristocratic prejudices of the nation have given way, and to which it is not difficult to see that greater concessions will still have to be made. In this silent revolution Cobden's career has been of untold power, and his life must therefore be carefully studied by all interested in the progress of English liberty. Richard Cobden sprang from a good stock, but had few advantages of education as a boy. The Midhurst dameschool, and a Yorkshire school, of the Dotheboys Hall type, where he spent five miserable years, were the only places claiming to give education which he ever attended; it is only just, therefore, to count him among those who must be called self-educated. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that he should have valued utilitarian branches of knowledge more than those classical and theoretical studies which give a wider foundation, and therefore a surer training, for the work of life. But no reader of Mr. Cobden's political writings and collected speeches can fail to see the traces of extensive and thorough reading in history and literature which prove that he must have made more than ordinarily good use of his opportunities, and must have had a very pure natural taste to make his style so attractive and convincing, and to enable him to draw his arguments not only from contemporary experience, but from the accumulated stores of history. The space at my disposal does not admit of my entering into any detailed account of Richard Cobden's successful • The Life of Richard Cobden. By JOHN MORLEY. business career. He had to work, not 2 vols. London: Chapman and Hall. 1881. for himself alone, but also for the rest of the family, his father and brother having both of them failed in their undertakings. His first public work was the establish ment of schools for the children of that part of north-east Lancashire where his print-works were situated. In his letters to his partner, Mr. Foster, who shared his interest in educational work, he reveals his natural skill in organization, and his perception of the best means of enlisting the services of others in the work he wished to accomplish. The general condition of the country had been growing more and more depressed, and the poverty and suffering of the working classes had caused discontent to spread widely among them. Every article they used was taxed, and as this taxation not only rendered everything dear, but also diminished production, it lowered wages, while it made the purchasing power of what was earned less. No one who knows how poverty affects those who suffer without education sufficient to enable them to judge as to the true cause of their suffering, will be surprised at the disturbances which occurred in Lancashire. There were torchlight meetings, and midnight gatherings, under the leadership of earnest men, who thought that did not condemn the people, but saw that they should be better guided. "I think," he writes to his brother in October, 1838, ered round the question of the Corn Laws. It appears to me that a moral and even a religious spirit may be infused into that topic, and if agitated in the same manner that the question of slavery has been, it will be irresistible" (vol. i., p. 126). It was after a visit to the United States in 1835, from which he returned with an increased admiration of the American character and with a high estimate of the future of the country and its institutions, that his real life-work may be said to have fairly begun. His first pamphlet, "En-only by the reforms embodied in the Peogland, Ireland, and America," which had ple's Charter could the nation's wrongs been published before his journey to the be redressed. Cobden, with clearer visStates, may be regarded as his earliest ion, saw how the material evils weighing contribution to the free-trade controversy, on the country could be removed. He as well as his first statement of the principle of non-intervention. On his return from America he found that the fear of Russia, roused to a large extent by Mr." the scattered elements may yet be gathUrquhart's writings, was endangering the prospects of peace, and in the summer of 1836 he published his second pamphlet, "Russia." Both these pamphlets were undeniably successful. The opinions, to which Cobden devoted himself with so much power in after days are all contained The Corn Laws had from the beginning in these his earliest writings, and are sup- been unpopular with the work-people in ported by the arguments which by varied Lancashire. At Peterloo the mottoes on illustration and repeated enforcement at the banners demanded their repeal as last won the nation's agreement and adop-strongly as they asked for Parliamentary tion. reform. But now the middle classes were beginning to see how important to their welfare would be the adoption of free trade. An Anti-Corn-Law Association had been founded in London in 1836, by Grote, Molesworth, Joseph Hume, and Roebuck; but they were not the men to organize a popular agitation, nor was London the place from which the work could be carried on which was needful to overcome the prejudices and mistaken theories of the landholders and their tenants. London is a vast aggregation of individuals, it is not a unity which can be stirred; too many objects distract the attention of its inhabitants, and its size makes it im His health, never robust, seems to have given way under the pressure of work he had to perform on his return from America, and as his business was in good order, he spent the winter of 1836–7 in visiting the East. Of this journey Mr. Morley gives a very interesting description by well-selected extracts from Mr. Cobden's letters and journal. But we must hurry on towards the time when he put the vast mass of information which he gathered on this, as on his other journeys, to practical use in dealing with the social questions which with increasing force pressed for solution. possible to produce results which can be engaged in the agitation than we gain attained in smaller towns. On the 24th from the more detailed chronicle of the of September, 1838, seven men met in League's work contained in Mr. Prenthe York Hotel, Manchester, and deter- tice's "History of the Anti-Corn League." mined to form a new association on a pop- As we read we seem to hear again ular basis. Their numbers soon increased. the rising power of popular indignation The name of Cobden does not appear on against the selfish greed which banded the first list of the provisional committee, the defenders of the Corn Laws together though that of John Bright does; it is only during the seven years' struggle; we see published in the second list—exactly a how wisely and judiciously that power week after he had written the memorable was directed. Again, we wonder at the words just quoted from his letter to his marvellous skill with which the leaders brother. Several meetings of the new invented new methods of applying the association were held, and the pressure popular enthusiasm which they had thus exercised caused the Chamber of roused. Again and again we admire the Commerce of Manchester to take action. | varied means by which the stronghold of Its leading members were cautious, and monopoly was assailed, and witness how, desirous of avoiding all extremes. They with never-failing novelty of argument proposed a petition in favor of modifications of the Corn Laws, but did not mention repeal. A warm debate ensued, and "Cobden struck into the debate with that finely tempered weapon of argumentative speech which was his most singular endowment. . . . He brought out a lucid proof that the Corn Law was the only obstacle to a vast increase of their trade, and that every shilling of protection on corn which thus obstructed their prosperity, passed into the pockets of the landowners, without conferring an atom of advantage on either the farmer or the laborer" (vol. i., p. 145). The debate was adjourned, and at the subsequent meeting a petition prepared by Cobden was almost unanimously adopted. The association, cheered by its first triumph, began the agitation in earnest. In January, 1837, "Cobden threw out one of those expressions which catch men's minds in moments when they are ripe for action. Let us,' he said, 'invest part of our property in order to save the rest from confiscation.' Within a month six thousand pounds had been raised, the first instalment of many scores of thousands still to come (vol. i., p. 146.) It is not possible to tell the tale of the agitation here. It occupies more than two hundred pages of Mr. Morley's book, and yet that only records Cobden's share in the great task, with many omissions. But the literary skill displayed in this part of the work is so great that a far clearer idea is given of the labors of those and fresh store of evidence, Cobden and his colleagues overwhelmed their antago nists, until the fatal season of 1846, with its famine and consequent pestilence, overcame the last obstacles, and Lord John Russell's letter to the citizens of London, giving up his long-cherished proposal for a fixed duty, made Sir Robert Peel's Parliamentary position untenable, and brought the great work to a triumphant issue. The whole force of the land-holding interest, the power of the aristocracy was overthrown, and that chiefly, as the leaders of all sections of politicians united in acknowledging, by the "unadorned eloquence of Richard Cobden." While reading this portion of Mr. Morley's work, we cannot help wishing that the advocates of what is called fair trade would but carefully study it. Every argument they adduce, as if it were an original discovery of the present day, would be seen to be a fallacy exploded years ago. Their conception of forcing foreign nations to reduce their high duties upon our manufactured goods by imposing taxes on what we import from them has been exposed by the old advocates of the Anti-Corn-Law League time after time, and it is curious to find busi ness men fancying that the distress caused by a succession of bad harvests and by the constant waste of wealth caused by the national expenditure on strong drink, would be relieved and not intensified by burdening trade by the restoration of protection. Commons or on the platform of anti-CornLaw meetings, we are struck by the clear foresight and startling accuracy with which he foretold the results which the policy he advocated would secure. His speeches had not perhaps the power of kindling such enthusiasm as the impassioned eloquence of John Bright could arouse, nor did they reach the rhetorical grandeur of some of W. J. Fox's studied orations, or move their hearers to tears, as did some of the touching speeches of Mr. R. R. Moore, but their unanswerable array of facts, their clear enunciation of undeniable principle, and their irresistible logic, made use of the feelings which his coadjutors evoked, and at last compelled the unwilling assent of Parliament. The change which has come over the trade of the country in consequence of free trade has been of such incalculable value, that it seems incredible that the advocates of fair trade can have examined the figures which the statistical abstract places at their disposal. Take the article of food alone. In 1840 the importation of live cattle was absolutely prohibited, in 1880 we imported live animals to the value of £10,239,295; of bacon and ham we imported in 1840, 6,180 cwt., in 1880, 5.743.900 cwt.; of corn and flour of all kinds we imported in 1840, 16,600,774 cwt., in 1880, 134,173,520 cwt.; taking all kinds of provisions, the value of our imports in 1840 amounted to £27.599.431, while in 1880 it exceeded £184,000,000. Who can ever imagine the increase of comfort and of health which these figures imply? Again look at the results of free trade, as far as it is carried out by us, upon the foreign commerce of the nation. In 1840 our imports amounted to £62,-sonal friends, he would have been com004,000, our exports to £110,128,718, our total foreign trade amounted therefore to £172,132,718. In 1879 our imports were £362,991,875, and our exports £248,784,364. The figures are too vast to be comprehended; but does not this immense increase tell of the improved condition of the nation in a manner which should silence the foolish cry of those who are seeking, by their attempted revival of protectionist fallacies, to distract the attention of the nation from the serious reforms which still are needed to place its welfare on a sure foundation? Or, again, we may take another set of figures those referring to pauperism. The number of able-bodied persons relieved by the guardians in the year 1840 was, in England and Wales, 201,644; in 1881, notwithstanding the increase of the population by ten millions, this number had fallen to 111,169. Any one who is in the slightest degree acquainted with the condition of the people will be able to appreciate the vast amount of moral as well as material improvements that is implied by such a diminution of pauperism amongst us, and is not a great part of this improvement to be ascribed to the increase of industrial activity, which has been the necessary and inevitable result of free trade even in its incomplete application to our fiscal arrangements? When we read the speeches which Mr. Cobden delivered during the seven years of the anti-Corn-Law agitation in the House of Cobden's public work on the platform and in the House, and in the practical organization of the League, was done at the expense of his private interests. His own business was neglected in order to serve his country, and had it not been for the generous help afforded him by per pelled to withdraw from the struggle before his reward came, in the final triumph of the principles he advocated. There is scarcely anything more touching than the brief extracts Mr. Morley gives from the correspondence with Frederick Cobden, revealing the pressing personal difficulties which assailed the great leader during the years 1844 and 1845. In September of the latter year Cobden, "at the cost of anguish which we may imagine, came to the terrible resolution to give up public affairs." He communicated his decision to Mr. Bright, and the letter he received in reply has fortunately been preserved to enable us to understand something of the tie which has united the names of Cobden and Bright in far more than political connection (vol. i., pp. 330– 336). The means were soon raised to tide over the emergency, and Cobden was enabled to return to the cause, then on the eve of victory. But what suffering had not to be endured by the nation before that victory was won! The mysterious potato-blight fell upon the country, and a population, reduced by iniquitous legislation to subsist on that least nutritious kind of food, stood face to face with starvation. Those were exciting days. Lord John Russell's Edinburgh letter, the resignation of Sir Robert Peel's administration, the excited meetings of the League, the attempt of Lord John Russell to form a Liberal government, and the tion. offer of a subordinate place in it to Cob- ligionists with the educational reformden, which was declined, and the re- ers, and might have been successful had sumption of office by Sir Robert Peel, all not the great political crash of 1857 ocfollowed one another rapidly. When Par- curred just when he had brought about liament met, the government announced a compromise between Sir John Pakits intention of repealing the Corn Laws; ington and his friends with the council but still all was not over. The ministry of the National Public School Associacould not give the whole of its attention to one subject. The distress in Ireland had produced "its natural fruits in disorder and violence." A Coercion Bill, the usual device, was proposed, amid the united opposition of the Irish and the Radical members, who were opposed to coercion on principle, and of the Whigs and Protectionists, who, as party men, were desirous of driving the government from office. It was evident what the result would be. The bill for repeal was carried in the House of Lords, and on the same night the Coercion Bill was rejected in the Commons. The ministry went out, and Lord John Russell was called upon to form the new Cabinet. Cobden's refusal to take office in November, 1845, prevented his being again invited, but Mr. Milner Gibson was appointed to the office which Cobden had declined. On the very day on which Lord John notified the fact to Mr. Cobden, the final meeting of the League was held. The laborious and exciting work of eight momentous years was finished. Although on one great subject Cobden had seen the nation come to his own opinions, on other matters he had yet to experience that he was in advance of his time nay, even of many of the men who had supported him in his economical reforms. In 1847 the Lancashire Public School Association had been established in Manchester, to obtain for the county a system of rate-supported secular schools under local management. To this limited plan Cobden gave strenuous support, as also to the scheme which, in 1850, was extended to the whole country. Unfortunately, religious jealousy prevented any national educational measure being carried for nearly a quarter of a century. On the one hand, every Liberal proposal was opposed by the members of the established Church, who denounced every scheme which did not secure to them the control of elementary schools; while, on the other hand, the great mass of Dissenters on voluntary principles opposed the interference of the State in the management of schools. Mr. Cobden, himself a Churchman, was too enlightened not to deplore this theological rivalry. He strove to unite his more liberal co-re But even more prominent than in the agitation for national education was the place which Cobden took in working for international disarmament and international arbitration. He attended peace conferences at home and abroad, moved resolutions in the House of Commons in favor of his scheme, and attacked the practice of lending money to the great military powers of the Continent, which he justly asserted was a system calculated to perpetuate the horrors of war. He pointed out that "those who lend money for such purposes are destitute of any of those excuses by which men justify resort to the sword. They cannot plead patriotism, self-defence, or even anger, or the lust of military glory. They sit down coolly to calculate the chances to themselves of profit or loss in a game in which the lives of human beings are at stake. They have not even the savage and brutal gratification which the old pagans had, after they had paid for a seat in the amphitheatre, of witnessing the bloody combats of gladiators in the circus" (vol. ii., p. 69). It was a noble thing to see Cobden thus striving to make men feel the moral re sponsibility of the use of capital; but events were not as yet to favor popular acquiescence in such advanced views. He was in the minority which opposed Mr. Roebuck's resolution approving of Lord Palmerston's foreign policy in 1850. The popular feeling was that Lord Palmerston was upholding the glory of England and the cause of freedom in Europe by his antagonism to Russia. Looking back upon the tone of the country at the time, it is undeniable that the military spirit was rising more and more. Morley aptly quotes from one of Cobden's pamphlets (vol. ii., p. 131) the absurd rumors which filled the public mind with expectations of a French invasion, and tells us how Cobden bravely maintained his position against the sneers and taunts of less far-seeing statesmen. In a pamphlet entitled“ 1793 and 1853," he showed how unjustifiable our conduct had been in provoking the great war which involved this nation in such fearful sacrifice of life and treasure. He pointed out that we Mr. |