but that they have other views, which can only be answered by fecuring the attachment of the guards? The minifter would hardly be fo cautious of offending them, if he did not mean, in due time, to call for their affiftance.

WITH refpect to the parties themselves, let it be observed, that these gentlemen are neither young officers, nor very young men. Had they belonged to the unfledged race of enfigns, who infeft our streets, and dishonor our public places, it might perhaps be fufficient to fend them back to that difcipline, from which their parents, judging lightly from the maturity of their vices, had removed them too foon. In this cafe, I am forry to fee, not so much the folly of youth, as the spirit of the corps, and the connivance of government. I do not queftion that there are many brave and worthy officers in the regiments of guards. But confidering them as a corps, I fear, it will be found that they are neither good foldiers, nor good subjects. Far be it from me to infinuate the most diftant reflection upon the army. On the con- ' trary, I honour and efteem the profeffion;

and if these gentlemen were better foldiers, I am fure they would be better fubjects. It is not that there is any internal vice or defect in the profeffion itself, as regulated in this country, but that it is the spirit of this particular corps, to defpife their profeffion, and that while they vainly affume the lead of the army, they make it matter of impertinent comparison and triumph over the bravest troops in the world (I mean our marching regiments) that they indeed ftand upon higher ground, and are privileged to neglect the laborious forms of military difcipline and duty. Without dwelling longer upon a most invidious fubject, I fhall leave it to military men, who have seen a service more active than the parade, to determine whcther or no I speak truth.

How far this dangerous fpirit has been encouraged by government, and to what pernicious purposes it may be applied hereafter, well deferves our moft ferious confideration. I know indeed, that when this affair happened, an affectation of alarm ran through the miniftry. Something must be done to fave appearances. The cafe was too flagrant to be paffed

paled by abfolutely without notice. But how have they acted? Instead of ordering the officers concerned, (and who, ftrictly speaking, are alone guilty,) to be put under arrest, and brought to trial, they would have it underfood, that they did their duty completely, in confining a ferjeant and four private foldiers, until they should be demanded by the civil power; fo that while the officers, who ordered or permitted the thing to be done, efcape without cenfure, the poor men who obeyed thofe orders, who in a military view are no way refponfible for what they did, and who for that reafon have been discharged by the civil magiftrates, are the only objects whom the miniftry have thought proper to expose to punishment. They did not venture to bring even thefe men to a court martial, because they knew their evidence would be fatal to fome perfons, whom they were determined to protect. Otherwife, I doubt not, the lives of these unhappy, friendlefs foldiers would long fince have been facrificed without fcruple to the fecurity of their guilty officers.

I HAVE been accufed of endeavouring to enflame the paffions of the people.-Let me

now

now appeal to their understanding. If there be any tool of administration daring enough to deny thefe facts, or fhameless enough to defend the conduct of the miniftry, let him come forward. I care not under what title he appears. He fhall find me ready to maintain the truth of my narrative, and the justice of my observations upon it, at the hazard of my utmost credit with the public.

UNDER the moft arbitrary governments, the common administration of justice is fuffered to take its courfe. The fubject, though robbed of his fhare in the legislature, is ftill protected by the laws. The political freedom of the English conftitution was once the pride and honour of an Englishman. The civil equality of the laws preserved the property, and defended the fafety of the subject. Are thefe glorious privileges the birthright of the people, or are we only tenants at the will of the miniftry ?-But that I know there is a fpirit of refistance in the hearts of my countrymen, that they value life, not by its conveniences, but by the independance and dignity of their condition, I should, at this moment, appeal only to their discretion.

I should perfuade them to banish from their minds all memory of what we were; 1 should tell them this is not a time to remember that we were Englishmen; and give it as my last advice, to make fome early agreement with the minifter, that fince it has pleased him to rob us of those political rights, which once diftinguished the inhabitants of a country, where honour was happiness, he would leave us at least the humble, obedient security of citizens, and graciously condescend to protect us in our fubmiffion.

JUNIUS.

LETTER XXXI.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC

SIR,

ADVERTISER.

November 14, 1769.

THE variety of remarks,

which have been made upon the laft letter of Junius, and my own opinion of the Writer, who, whatever may be his faults, is certainly not a weak man, have induced me to examine, with some attention, the subject of that letter. I could not perfuade myself that, while he had plenty of important ma

terials,