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companied his father early to the field, and commanded a detachment of his father's army in the war against the Zanjites, A. H. 267 (A. D. 871). Subsequently, Al-mu'tadhed had his own corps of mercenaries. In A. H. 275 (A.D. 888) he was put in prison by his own father, and he was not released till his father's last illness in A. D. 277 or 278 (A. D. 891). His father died in the same year, and Almu'tadhed succeeded him in the command of his troops, which consisted of one hundred thousand men, and soon after he prevailed upon the khalif to declare him his successor; and in order to hasten his elevation to the throne, he poisoned the khalif. On the morning after the death of his predecessor he sent for the kádhí Isma'íl Ibn Hamád, who was the first who saluted him by the title of amiru-l-múmenín (commander of the faithful).

Al-mu'tadhed had the Turkish guard entirely under his control. "When Al-mu'tadhed came to the khalifate," says Al-mas'údí, "all hostilities ceased, and the empire was in a state of tranquillity: there was no war, no rebellion, no discord of parties. He overcame all difficulties, and nobody dared to oppose him, neither in the eastern nor in the western provinces of the empire; he received regularly the tribute of his governors; all the armies and officers were submissive to his orders. At his death he left nine millions of dinars and forty millions of dirhams in the public treasury; and twelve thousand horses, mules, and camels in his stable. Notwithstanding his wealth, he was very avaricious and mean, for he saved in many things to which a poor man would have paid no attention."

Al-mu'tadhed was a man of great energy, but cruel. His usual punishment for soldiers who had incurred his resentment was this:He had a grave dug, in which the victim was put on his head, with his feet upwards. In this posture he was half buried, and left to expire. One day he closed a man's mouth, nose, and ears, and made a hole in his back through which he inflated him until he was swelled to an immense size, and he then shot him with arrows. He had regular torture rooms under ground, with various instruments for torturing people to death.

Soon after his accession he built a palace which was three farsangs long, and which cost four hundred thousand dinars. A contemporary poet said to the khalif, "Many great kings have built palaces in the world, but you have built a world in your palace."

In A. H. 281 (A. D. 894), Al-mu'tadhed marched to Máridín (Mardin) to punish Hamdán, the disobedient governor of Mesopotamia. When the khalif came, Hamdán had taken flight, but the town was defended by his son, who however surrrendered it after the first battle.

In order not to incur the anger of Al

it

mu'tadhed, the second Saffáride prince, 'Amr Ibn Layth sent in A. H. 283 (A. D. 896) rich presents to him: besides four millions of dirhams, a great number of dromedaries, horses, and the like, he sent "an idol which had a human figure with four arms; wore two belts of silver, studded with rubies and diamonds. Before this large idol were many small ones with several faces and arms, and covered with ornaments and precious stones. These idols were placed in a cart which was just large enough to hold them, and it was drawn by mules. When they arrived at the palace of the khalif they were shown to the public three days, and the crowd was so great, and it was so difficult to get a sight of the idols, that they were called shoghl (trouble). 'Amr Ibn Layth had taken these idols from the towns which he had recently captured in India, particularly in the mountainous parts of this country towards Bost." These are the words of Al-mas'údí, p. 766., who had probably seen this statue of Buddha, for he was a contemporary of Al

mu'tadhed.

Ibn

Khámarawayh, the Túlúnide prince of Egypt, also thought it prudent to conciliate the favour of Al-mu'tadhed, whose power he had felt in a short war during the reign of Al-mu'tamed, in which Al-mu'tadhed and Khámarawayh had personally fought against each other. He therefore sent in A. H. 279 (A. H. 892) Ibn Khassás, one of his eunuchs, with rich presents and with one of his daughters to the khalif, to offer her to his presumptive heir of the throne, 'Ali Almuktafi, in marriage. On her arrival she was married by the khalif himself. Khassás had appropriated to himself a great portion of the dowry which had been sent with the bride, and he became subsequently very rich and powerful at Baghdad. But under the reign of Al-muktader his property, which amounted to above four millions of dinars, was confiscated, and he was put to death. The presents which the khalif made to Khámarawayh were no less magnificent: he allowed him one year's taxes of a part of Mesopotamia, amounting to one million of dinars (about four hundred and fifty thousand pounds), many precious articles from India, China, and the 'Irák, such as a half moon of precious stones, sword belts, a crown, and a tiara. These presents arrived in Egypt in Rejeb, A. H. 280 (September or October, A. D. 893).

The inhabitants of Basrah sent a deputation to Al-mu'tadhed, which came up the Tigris in sea vessels splendidly ornamented. The deputation consisted of all the men who were most distinguished by birth, station in life, eloquence, or learning. They brought their complaints before the khalif against the oppression of the public functionaries, and the cruelty of the men in power, and they represented to him how much they had suf

fered during the anarchy which had prevailed for so long a time. These representations were accompanied by the cries of the crews of the vessels which stood in sight of the palace. The khalif gave them a public audience, in which he was seated behind a curtain. This habit, which seems to have been introduced by the Turkish mercenaries in imitation of the Dalai Lama, continued in subsequent times, and was in use when Benjamin of Tudela visited Baghdad (A. D. 1160). The object of this usage was to render the person of the khalif more sacred in the eyes of the vulgar, and to make him entirely dependent upon his ministers. The chamberlain or curtain-keeper (hájib) was, in fact, the jailer of the khalif, and his office became soon after Al-mu'tadhed's time the most important in the government. When Abú-l-kásim Ibn 'Abdullah, the vizír of Almu'tadhed, and the highest officers employed in the revenue had examined into the complaints of the inhabitants of Basrah, the khalif gave the principal members of the deputation another audience, in which the kádhí | of Basrah explained with great natural eloquence the grievances of his city; for instance, that they had to pay double tithes and the like. The khalif promised them relief, and they returned to Basrah.

In A. H. 280 (A. D. 893), Mohammed Ibn Al-huseyn, of the Naubakht family, was seized at Baghdad, and there was a list of conspirators found upon him who had sworn allegiance to the Fátimites. Mohammed

was transfixed with three spears and roasted alive before the eyes of the khalif.

In the same year Al-mu'tadhed undertook in person a campaign against the tribe of Shaybán, in which he made predatory incursions into the southern parts of Mesopotamia and into the country about the river Záb, and he put down the robbers. Since the fall of the Bení Umeyyah, the nomadic population of Arabia had been independent of the khalifs, and as predatory incursions promised greater profit than enlisting in the armies of the khalifs, the Beduins preferred robbing to regular military service, and were the enemies of the khalifs.

In the same year the 'Alite rebel, 'Abdullah Ibn Al-hasan, who had made himself independent in Armenia and part of Azerbíján, was beaten by the troops of the khalif. Merághah, one of his principal towns, was taken, and his property confiscated. But the 'Alites continued in possession of Hamadán, Komm, Abhar, and several places of Taberistán and of the Jebál, and in A. H. 287 (A. D. 900), they again extended their power over Jorján and Daylem.

In A. H. 284 (A. D. 897) some riots took place at Baghdad on account of the secret police. Al-mu'tadhed had appointed a number of spies, who denounced any one whom they heard speak disrespectfully of the khalif,

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and such transgressions were severely punished. A system of secret police had existed before Al-mu'tadhed, but it had not been so injurious to personal liberty. Almámún is said to have had sixty thousand persons, particularly women, in pay, who brought him the news of the town. There existed at the same time another system of police, which was connected with the post, and which seems to have continued in the Persian provinces since the time of the Sassanidæ the postmaster of every town had to give intelligence to the government of all that happened, and he had particularly to watch the governors, and, if he was near the frontier, the neighbouring nations. A postmaster was therefore a man of great trust, and usually a personal friend of the khalif.

In A. H. 280 (A. D. 893) Ahmed Ibn Thaur had taken Bahreyn and 'Omán from the Abádhians, who were heretics and defended the cause of the imám As-salt Ibn Málik. They were about two hundred thousand men in number, and had for a long time disturbed the peace of the empire. This victory of Ahmed Ibn Thaur had not restored peace to Arabia. In A. H. 284 (A. D. 897) the position of the Beduins, under the command of Abú Sa'íd, was so menacing that Basrah was in great danger. The khalif sent forty thousand dinars to restore the walls of that city, and in A. H. 287 (A. D. 900) the army of Al-'abbás Ibn 'Amr was defeated by them.

In A. H. 288 (A.D. 901) a Turkoman general of the guard of the khalif, of the name of Wasif, attempted to desert from the khalif and to go over to the Greeks. He was however overtaken by Al-mu'tadhed in Syria, and brought back in triumph to Baghdad. When he was on the point of being executed, the khalif sent to him to ask whether he had any further wish, and he asked for perfumes and some amusing books. Among the books that were sent to him he chose particularly histories of ancient kings and descriptions of battles. His life was spared, and he died in prison in A. H. 289 (A. D. 901-2). After his death he was beheaded, and his trunk was crucified and remained hanging on the cross to A. H. 300 (A. D. 912).

Towards the end of Al-mu'tadhed's life the Karmatians made great progress in the 'Irák and in Syria, and several armies sent against them were defeated. Al-mu'tadhed died in the evening of the 21st of the latter Rabí', A. H. 289 (2d of April, A. D. 902), most likely from the effects of poison given to him by one of his concubines, and he was succeeded by Al-muktafi billah. (Al-mas'údí, Meadows of Gold, MS.; Soyútí, History of the Khalifs, MS.; Karamání, Táríkh Addowal, MS.; Abú-l-fedá, Annales Muslemici, ii.; Price, Chron. Retrospect of Mohammedan History.)

A. S.

AL-MUTAKKI LILLAH or BI'LLAH (he who fears God) Abú Is'hák Ibráhím,

kádhis at Baghdád, the perfidious Tuzún swore in their presence and that of the messenger sent by Al-mutakki, that he would thenceforward prove the most loyal subject of the khalif if he would only return to his capital, and he drew up a written engagement to that effect, which he transmitted to the khalif. On the receipt of this insidious paper, Al-mutakki, in spite of the remonstrances of both Násiru-d-daulah and Seyfud-daulah, and of his friend and ally Ikhshid, the sultan of Egypt, proceeded towards Baghdád; but before his arrival there he was taken and conveyed to the presence of his enemy, where the searing instrument being applied to his eyes, deprived him of sight. According to Ibnu-l-athír and Ad-diyárbekrí, this event took place near the river or canal of 'Isa, on the 20th of Safar, A. H. 333 (Oct. 12. A. D. 944), after Al-mutakki had exercised his precarious authority for about four years. He is said to have survived his misfortune for five-and-twenty years, and to have died in A. H. 358 (A. D. 968-9). The name of this khalif is erroneously written in the Arabic text of Ibnu-l-'amíd published by Erpenius, as Al-muktakfi instead of Al-mutakki. The names of the two amírs are likewise incorrectly given by Erpenius, Yahkam for Bah

the twenty-first khalif of the race of 'Abbás, was born in Shawwál, A. H. 307 (Feb. A.D. 920). He was the son of Al-muktader billah, the eighteenth khalif of his family, and of a Greek concubine named Khalúb. Upon the death of Ar-rádhi in the month of Rabi' the first, A. H. 329 (Dec. A. D. 940), Bahkam, the Turk, who had usurped the office of amíru-lomrá at Baghdád, being then absent from that capital, sent instructions to the 'ulemas and kádhis to choose among the relatives of the deceased the person best qualified for the spiritual duties of the khalifate. Their choice fell on Abú Is'hák Ibráhím, the brother of Ar-rádhi, who was accordingly proclaimed khalif under the title of Al-mutakki billah. But the new khalif was not better treated by Bahkam than his predecessor had been. Soon after his appointment, the amíru-l-omrá, happening to send to Baghdad a division of his followers, seized for their use the whole of the horses and camels belonging to Almutakki, and took for himself many valuable effects of every description, hitherto deemed the exclusive property of the reigning family. On the death of Bahkam, who was assassinated while hunting by a native of Kurdistán, the dignity of amíru-l-omrá was aspired to by Abú 'Abdillah Al-báridí, who had been governor of Basrah and Ahwáz under Ar-kam, and Buzun for Tuzún, (Ad-diyárbekrí, rádhi, and who for the attainment of the object of his ambition approached Baghdad at the head of an army. Being successfully opposed by a body of the Tatar garrison of that capital, Al-báridí was for a time obliged to desist from his undertaking; but in A. H. 330 (A.D. 941-2), he made himself master of Baghdád, which, in revenge for his former miscarriage, he gave up to pillage and slaughter. Al-mutakki, with a band of faithful followers, made his escape to Mosul ; whence, having obtained the assistance of Násiru-d-daulah and Seyfu-d-daulah, the sons of 'Abdullah Ibn Hamdán, the governor of Syria, he returned to Baghdad, into which he made his triumphant entry, the usurper betaking himself to Wásit. In the course of A. H. 331 (A. D. 942-3), the dignity of amíru1-omrá was conferred by Al-mutakki upon a Turkish chief, Tuzún, who proved as rapacious and tyrannical as his predecessors. Some misunderstanding having occurred between the khalif and that chief, both parties had recourse to the sword, when the khalif was again defeated, and compelled to abandon his capital. This time Al-mutakki betook himself to Rakkah, where he was soon after visited by Ikhshid, ruler of Egypt, by whom he was invited to repair to the capital of his dominions, whilst he collected a sufficient force to aid him against Tuzún. The khalif however, for reasons which are not explained, declined his invitation, choosing rather to risk the chance of an accommodation with his enemy, to whom he accordingly applied for peace. Having convened the 'ulemas and

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Gen. Hist. MS.; Ibnu-l-athír, 'Ibratu-l-awali,
MS.; Elmacin, Hist. Sarac. lib. iii. cap. ii. ;
Abú-l-fedá, Ann. Musl. sub anno 333 ;
D'Herbelot, Bib. Or. voc. Baridah," "Mu-
taki.")
P. de G.
AL-MU'TALI. [YAHYA IBN 'ALI.]
AL-MU'TAMED 'ALAI-LLAH (he
who places his reliance in God) Moham-
med II., third sultan of Seville of the dynasty
of the Bení 'Abbád, succeeded his father,
Al-mu'tadhed, in Jumáda the second, A. H.
461 (April, A. D. 1069). When young, Al-
mu'tamed had greatly distinguished himself in
his father's wars against the kings of Badajoz
and Toledo. In A. H. 452 (A. D. 1060), he had
relieved Cordova, besieged by Al-mámún,
king of Toledo, and he had subjected the
south-western provinces of Spain, between
the Tagus and the Guadiana. His accession
to the throne was therefore hailed by his
subjects as the signal for the restoration of
the Mohammedan empire. Their hopes, how-
ever, were disappointed. In A. D. 1080, after
some preparatory incursions, Alfonso VI. of
Leon invaded the dominions of Al-mu'tamed,
who, unable to contend alone with his for-
midable enemy, sought the assistance of his
neighbours the kings of Badajoz and Gra-
nada; but, although each of those princes
sent him a body of troops, he was defeated,
and compelled to make an ignominious peace,
one of the conditions of which was, that he
should acknowledge himself the vassal of
Alfonso, and pay him a considerable annual
tribute. In A. H. 475 (A. D. 1082-3), a Jew,
named Ibn Shalbib, who was one of Alfonso's

:

posal was received with general applause by
all present, with the exception of an old chief
named Zákút, who said, "Who among you
can be so insane as to call the Almoravides
into Spain-those savage conquerors who
resemble the tigers of their native deserts ?
Suffer them not, I beseech you, to enter the
fertile plains of Andalusia; for, once in this
country, all the power of the earth will not
drive them out. I doubt not that they will
break the iron sceptre which Alfonso intends
for us but you will still be doomed to
wear the chains of slavery."
The aged
Zák út spoke in vain; he was even accused
of being secretly sold to Alfonso, and the
embassy was decreed. Zákút, however, was
not the only person in the assembly who
entertained these opinions. Ar-rashíd, the
son of Al-mu'tamed, remonstrated also with
his father, and said to him, This Yusuf
will no doubt serve us as he has served the
princes of Western Africa; he will expel us
from our country, and establish his followers
in our cities." Anything," replied Al-mu'-

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tamed," rather than this country should become the prey of the Christians ;" and he added, better be a camel-driver than a driver of pigs," meaning that he would rather be Yusuf's prisoner, and guard his camels in the desert, than become the captive of Al

treasurers, repaired to Seville for the purpose | of receiving the customary tribute. Having made known his arrival, Al-mu'tamed sent to his dwelling the money by one of the high officers of his court; but either the gold brought was deficient in weight, or, what is more probable, the Jew was instructed by Alfonso to look for a pretext to violate the truce which he had concluded with the King of Seville; the fact is, that the Jew peremptorily refused to take the money, saying, "That gold is not fit to be laid before my master; let your king send me better pieces than these, or else I shall leave his dominions empty-handed, and the vengeance of Alfonso will fall on his head. Next year we will not be satisfied with anything short of all the wealth of his country." This insolent answer being reported to Al-mu'tamed, he caused the ambassador to be brought to his presence, and ordered him to be nailed to a stake on the bank of the Guadalquivir. In vain did Ibn Shalbib allege his character of ambassador, and offer his weight in gold as a ransom. Al-mu'tamed declared that if Alfonso himself were to offer all his dominions as a ransom for him, he would not take it; and the sentence was accordingly executed. Alfonso prepared to revenge the insult. Having assembled a considerable force, he marched to Seville, which he be-fonso, and keep his swine in Castile. The amsieged; but as he had no battering engines with him, after remaining some time on the left bank of the Guadalquivir, and laying waste the neighbouring districts, he returned into Castile. The ensuing year Alfonso was occupied with the siege of Toledo; but when he had reduced that important city, he made greater preparations than before, and having invited the Christian princes of Europe to take part in a crusade against the infidels, he prepared to invade the dominions of Almu'tamed, giving out as his intention to drive the Moslems out of the Peninsula, or to perish in the attempt. Al-mu'tamed, seeing the storm gather over his head, invited to his capital all the rulers of Mohammedan Spain to consult with them as to the best means of protecting their threatened independence. All answered his call, and either went to Seville in person or sent their representatives. On the day appointed, Al-mu'tamed, attended by his son Ar-rashíd and several of his vizírs and kádhís, entered the council room. After some deliberation, it was agreed that the danger was so imminent, the forces of the Christians so numerous, and the condition of Mohammedan Spain so deplorable, that all idea of resisting alone the superior power of the enemy must be relinquished. Two of the most powerful men in the assembly then proposed to despatch an embassy to Yusuf Ibn Táshefín, the Almoravide, who had just subjected Marocco and the whole of Western Africa to his rule, and to implore his aid against the common foe. The pro

bition of Yusuf Ibn Táshefín had for some time been roused by the reports of the fertility and climate of Spain, and he was determined to seize the first opportunity of establishing himself in that country. On receiving the application of the Spanish Moslems he sent down orders to Ceuta for the equipment of a fleet. Having soon after crossed over to Spain at the head of considerable forces, he encountered Alfonso at a place called Zalákah, near Badajoz, and gained a most signal victory over him. [ALFONSO VI. of Leon.] Al-mu'tamed, who with most of the rulers of Mohammedan Spain was present at the battle, greatly distinguished himself on the occasion. Yusuf had given him the command of the right wing of his army, against which Alfonso directed all his attacks, under the impression that if he once succeeded in breaking the ranks of the Spanish troops under Al-mu'tamed, he would have no difficulty in routing the Africans, who, besides being slightly armed, were unaccustomed to the Spanish mode of warfare. Al-mu'tamed and his men fought for several hours with the courage of despair. At last, hemmed in on all sides by the Christians, and expecting no help from the Africans, who, under the command of Yusuf, were then making an attack on the Christian camp, the Spanish Moslems lost courage, and fled in every direction. Al-mu'tamed only remained with a few devoted followers, and he continued fighting until Yusuf came to his assistance, notwithstanding his having had three horses

killed under him and his having received several wounds. Al-mu'tamed invited his ally to accompany him to Seville, where he entertained him with such splendour that Yusuf was advised by his courtiers at once to seize the person of his host and take possession of his wealth. Yusuf, however, rejected the advice, and crossed over to Africa, leaving a body of Almoravides under Seyr Ibn Abí Bekr to prosecute the war against Alfonso. Al-makkarí relates that Almu'tamed, being aware of the plans formed against him, was strongly advised to seize his guest and keep him under restraint until the Almoravides had recrossed the straits by his orders and Yusuf himself had been made to swear on the Korán never to molest the Moslem rulers of the Peninsula. Two years after these events, in Rabi' the first, A. H. 481 (May, A. D. 1088), Yúsuf returned to Spain, and although his stay was not long, the dethronement of the Mohammedan princes was resolved upon, and intrusted to his general Seyr. After reducing one by one the less powerful of them, on the plea that their cowardice and their subserviency to the Christians had rendered them unfit to rule, Seyr wrote to his master informing him of his success, and asking for further instructions. Yusuf's answer was, that he should propose to Almu'tamed to surrender his capital and cross over to Africa with all his family: if he consented, he was not to be molested; but if he refused, he was to be besieged in his capital, and, when taken, put to death. Seyr sent a message to Al-mu'tamed intimating his master's pleasure; and upon Al-mutamed's refusal to accede to the conditions, he prepared to carry his orders into execution. Having previously detached part of his forces against Al-mámún Al-fat'h, one of Al-mu'tamed's sons, who commanded in Cordova, Seyr with the rest of his army advanced upon Seville, and having taken Carmona in Rabi' the first, A. H. 484 (May, A. D. 1091), he arrived before the capital of Al-mu'tamed, which he immediately invested. Meanwhile Abú 'Abdillah Ibnu-l-háj, whom Seyr had despatched to Cordova, took that city by storm, and put to death Al-mámún. Yezíd Ar-rádhí, another of Al-mu'tamed's sons, who commanded at Ronda, shared a similar fate. He was taken and put to death, and his head was sent to the camp of Seyr, who had it paraded on a spear before the walls of Seville. In this extremity Al-mu'tamed sent to implore the help of Alfonso, to whom he offered the sovereignty of Seville provided he would aid him against the Almoravides; but although Alfonso sent a body of troops to his assistance, Seyr detached ten thousand horse under an experienced general named Abú Is'hák Al-lamtúní, who kept the Christians in check, and prevented them from passing beyond Almodovar on the Guadalquivir. At last, after a siege of several months, during

which Fakhru-d-daulah (glory of the state), one of Al-mu'tamed's sons, was killed, the Almoravides fought their way into Seville, and Al-mu'tamed was compelled to surrender, on the 22d of Rejeb, A. H. 484 (Sept. 10. 1091). He was immediately placed on board a vessel with his son Ar-rashid, and such of his women and slaves as consented to share his fate, and conveyed to the castle of Aghmát, on the western coast of Africa, where he ended his days in Rabi' the first, A. H. 488 (March or April, A. D. 1095), or, according to other accounts, in Dhí-l-hajjah of the same year (Dec. A. D. 1095). He was born at Beja in Alemtejo, in A. H. 431 (A. D. 1039-40), and had occupied the throne of Seville for about twenty-seven years.

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Al-mu'tamed is described by all contemporary writers as the most liberal and enlightened ruler of Mohammedan Spain. His capital was the resort of poets and literary men from all parts of the Mohammedan dominions. Himself an excellent poet, he composed several poems, fragments from which have been preserved by Ibn Khákán, in his Kaláyidu-l-'ikiyán" ("Gold Necklaces "); by Ibn Bessám, in his "Dhakhírah" ("Hoarded Treasure"); by Ibnu-l-lebbánah, Ibn Sa'íd, and others. A collection of all the verses composed by Al-mu'tamed, as well as by his father and grandfathers, who were also poets, was formed by a native of Seville, under the title of "Sakíttu-d-doror wa lakíttu-z-zohor fí sha'ri-bni 'Abbád" ("The falling of Pearls and the spreading of the Flowers: on the Poetry of the Beni 'Abbád"). (Ibn Bessám, Adh-dhakhirah, Bodl. Lib. No. DCCXLIX.; Ibn Khákán, Kaláyidu-l-'ikiyán, MS. Brit. Mus. No. 7525. fol. 5.; Al-makkarí, Moham. Dyn. ii. 271-300.; Casiri, Bib. Arab. Hisp. Esc. ii. 209.; Conde, Hist. de la Dom. ii. cap. viii.— xxi.; Alfonso el Sabio, Cronica de España, part iii.) P. de G.

AL-MU'TAMED 'ALA'-LLAH (he who puts his faith in God) was the surname of Ahmed, the son of Al-mutawakkel. He was the fifteenth khalif of the house of 'Abbás, and succeeded Al-muhtadí in the khalifate in the month of Rejeb, A. H. 256 (June, A. D. 870), at the age of twenty-five.

His predecessor had been dethroned and put to death by the Turkish guard at Sámarrá for being unable to pay fifty thousand dinars which they demanded from him as arrears of their pay. Al-mu'tamed, who owed his election to these guards, received a lesson by this example, and he left the whole administration to the Turkish guard and to his brother Al-muwaffik, who was one of their leaders, putting himself forward wherever his dignity could be useful for uniting parties or commanding respect. His position somewhat resembled that of the constitutional kings of Europe. His good policy procured him a quiet reign, and the turbulent times and the dangers from without caused the

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