310 CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF BOMBAY.

to afford a test which will determine whether I have been actuated by weakness or by firmness,-by fantastic scruples and irrational feelings, or by a calm and steady view to what appeared to me the highest interests of society.*

I have been induced to make these explanations by the probability of this being the last time of my addressing a grand jury from this place. His Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of my return to Great Britain, which the state of my health has for some time rendered very desirable. It is therefore probable, though not certain, that I may begin my voyage before the next sessions.

In that case, Gentlemen, I now have the honour to take my leave of you, with those serious thoughts that naturally arise at the close of every great division of human life, with the most ardent and unmixed wishes for the welfare of the community with which I have been for so many years connected by an honourable tie, and with thanks to you, Gentlemen, for the assistance which many of you have often afforded me in the discharge of duties, which are necessary, indeed, and sacred, but which, to a single judge, in a recent court, and small society, are peculiarly arduous, invidious, and painful.

* Alluding to the impending trial of a native artillery-man for murder, who was eventually executed. — ED.

SPEECH

ON THE

ANNEXATION OF GENOA

TO THE

KINGDOM OF SARDINIA.

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS

ON THE 27TH OF APRIL, 1815.

MR. SPEAKER,

SPEECH, &c.*

I Now rise, pursuant to my notice, to discharge the most arduous, and certainly the most painful, public duty which I have ever felt myself called upon to perform. I have to bring before the House, probably for its final consideration, the case of Genoa, which, in various forms of proceedings and stages of progress, has already occupied a considerable degree of our attention. All these previous discussions of this great question of faith and justice, have been hitherto of necessity almost confined to one side. When my

Honourable Friend † moved for papers on this subject, the reasoning was only on this side of the House. The gentlemen on the opposite side professedly abstained

* On the general reverses that befell the arms of France in the spring of 1814, and the consequent withdrawal of her troops from Italy, Lord William Bentinck was instructed to occupy the territories of the republic of Genoa, "without committing his Court or the Allies with respect to their ultimate disposition." Of the proclamation which he issued upon the occasion of carrying these orders into effect, dated March 14th, Lord Castlereagh had himself observed, that "an expression or two, taken separately, might create an impression that his views of Italian liberation went to the form of the government, as well as to the expulsion of the French." On the success of the military movement, the General reported that he had, "in consequence of the unanimous desire of the Genoese to return to their ancient state," proclaimed the old form of government. That this desire was unjustly thwarted, and that these expectations, fairly raised by Lord William Bentinck's proclamation, had been wrongfully disappointed by the final territorial settlement of the Allies at Paris, it was the scope of this speech to prove. For the papers referred to, see Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xxx. p. 387., and for the Resolutions moved, ibid., p. 932.-ED.

† Mr. Lambton (afterwards Earl of Durham) had on the 22nd of February made a motion for papers connected with the case of Genoa, on which occasion Sir James Mackintosh had supported him.-ED.

from discussion of the merits of the case, because they alleged that discussion was then premature, and that a disclosure of the documents necessary to form a right judgment, would at that period have been injurious to the public interest. In what that danger consisted, or how such a disclosure would have been more inconvenient on the 22nd of February than on the 27th of April, they will doubtless this day explain. I have in vain examined the papers for an explanation of it. It was a serious assertion, made on their Ministerial responsibility, and absolutely requires to be satisfactorily established. After the return of the Noble Lord from Vienna, the discussion was again confined to one side, by the singular course which he thought fit to adopt. When my Honourable Friend † gave notice of a motion for all papers respecting those arrangements at Vienna, which had been substantially completed, the Noble Lord did not intimate any intention of acceding to the motion. He suffered it to proceed as if it were to be adversely debated, and instead of granting the papers, so that they might be in the possession of every member a sufficient time for careful perusal and attentive consideration, he brought out upon us in the middle of his speech a number of documents, which had been familiar to him for six months, but of which no private member of the House could have known the existence. It was impossible for us to discuss a great mass of papers, of which we had heard extracts once read in the heat and hurry of debate. For the moment we were silenced by this ingenious stratagem: the House was taken by surprise. They were betrayed into premature applause of that of which it was absolutely impossible that they should be competent judges. It might be thought to imply a very unreasonable distrust in the Noble Lord of his own talents, if it were not much more naturally imputable to his well-grounded doubts of the justice of his cause.

Viscount Castlereagh.-ED.

† Mr. Whitbread.-ED.