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military force, taught them the novel lesson of civil subordination, without robbing them of their religious freedom.

Descending from this very general view of public events, the policy adopted by parliament in relation to ecclesiastical matters claims our first consideration, leading as it did to most of those stormy scenes of division, debate, and controversy, in which all religious parties became involved, and amongst the rest the Independents.

Having abolished the hierarchy, parliament was under the necessity of supplying something in its place, or, at least, of determining the ecclesiastical position of the nation. Historically speaking, the best thing, and theoretically, the only just thing, would have been a declarative enactment, that henceforth religion should be wholly excluded from the business of legislation; and that, as speedily as possible, some equitable system should be instituted, whereby national property, previously appropriated by the Anglican church, should either be compounded for, or revert to the use of the state. In this case, the wisdom of parliament would have applied itself to one of the noblest objects ever presented to the minds of statesmen, namely, the liberation of religion from all state interference and control, with such provisions as should secure the state from detriment through religious movements and parties. Had this been done, the war between Charles and his parliament would soon have ended; the strife of parties during the perplexed period of the Commonwealth have been mitigated, if not avoided; and the nation, fenced off from the chief source of bad legislation and social divisions in subsequent years, would

have entered upon a career of unrivalled splendour. Had this been attempted by any considerable party in the state, even though without success, its name and story would have transcended in interest that of any, however illustrious, in the annals of our country.

That there were many whose views went as far as this, cannot be questioned. But their influence was very inconsiderable, and by no means equal to their numbers. Accustomed to persecution, and habituated in consequence to cherish their own convictions almost in secret, they did not feel inclined at this season to protrude their principles upon public attention. They were only too thankful for the unwonted liberty they enjoyed. It was a rare season for them. No longer was it necessary to meet in darkened chambers, in outbuildings of difficult access, in retired and unsuspected houses, barns, and hay-lofts; or under cover of the night, in gardens, fields, and copses. No longer were they in fear of spies, informers, and pursuivants. They could now meet their fellow citizens, their fellow townsmen, their fellow parishioners, without feeling that by the operation of iniquitous laws they were a degraded class. For a season, this immunity from long pending wrongs made them err in the excess of gratitude. As is too often the case in such circumstances, prosperity became a snare to them. Having manfully held fast by their principles, when the whole world besides was against them, they now held them somewhat too loosely, when the tide of human affairs turned, and the world ceased to frown.

Such was the actual position of those who held, at this period, the most correct, but in the opinion of their fellow-subjects, the most extreme and impracti

cable views respecting the duty of the state in reference to religion. The thorough Independents-successors of the Brownists and Anabaptists of former times-quietly and peaceably rejoiced in the possession of their new liberties, while the great mass of the puritans, heated with enthusiasm, pressed forward in the path of ecclesiastical change. Of course there were here and there individual exceptions. Some strong things are expressed in a letter, written a little before this period, and published a short time after.* In the course of a very few years from the meeting of the long parliament, all men were compelled to take part in the discussion and altercation into which the nation was driven by the progress of events. The Independents then had their full share in the debate. But at present, and until opportunity served, they were at peace with all parties and amongst themselves.

In parliament, extreme views were entirely unknown. We have no proof that the thorough Independents were represented by a single member. Cromwell had not yet attained to those profound views, which at a later period marked his administration of public affairs. Vane was not yet an advocate for unlimited toleration, much less for separation between state and church. The great majority of both houses, unprepared for the crisis at which the nation had arrived, scarcely knew how to proceed. Their views were for the most part of a negative character. They were unanimous in their hatred of popery. They were nearly agreed in their hostility to prelacy. Spiritual tyranny, as exemplified in the

*The Saint's Apology.

institutions and practices of a now abolished hierarchy; its High Commission, its Star Chamber, its ear-cropping, nose-slitting, and face-branding; its pillories, fines, confiscations, and imprisonments ;— was their soul's abhorrence. Yet, what to substitute in the place of the former things, they knew not. They only knew what they would not have. All was undefined. Their training had been essentially vicious, and unfitted them for the work of legislators. Episcopalian by habit, presbyterian in fancy, erastian in principle, they were completely at a loss. The Independent minority were scarcely in better circumstances. The stigma of separation still adhered to them, and they naturally desired to do nothing that might prevent it from wearing off. They would act inoffensively and in a forbearing spirit. They sought to be comprehended in the general scheme of liberty. They only desired a share in the newly acquired birth-right. The congregational Independents, out of the house, petitioned "for a Toleration of some Congregations to enjoy an Independent Government, and to be exempt from the Government which shall be established."* The congregational Independents within the house,—for they were all of this class only,-could do nothing more than echo the voice of this petition. While parliament had thus no decided opinion of its own, it was necessary that its measures should be of a negative rather than positive character. It could demolish the institutions of a byegone period; but it knew not how to reconstruct.

Such a state of things, however, could not be of long

*This was in 1641. Edwards's Reasons against the Independent Government. Introduction.

continuance. Liberty would speedily become anarchy, and all would be lost if practical measures were not decided upon. The most advisable course appeared to be to summon an assembly of ministers of religion from various parts of the kingdom, and to abide by their decision. Various circumstances favoured such a step. It would afford breathing-time. Whatever might be the ecclesiastical system ultimately adopted, all parties would be conciliated in the interval. The plan would recommend itself by its moderation to a large class of religious people scattered throughout the kingdom, who wavered in their duty between king and parliament. The demands of the puritans, and in particular of the London ministers-the most clamorous of all for immediate reform-would so far be satisfied. Possibly, the Scotch nation might be induced to render the popular cause their zealous aid, when they saw the model of their Assembly copied in some measure in an assembly convoked by the parliament of England.

A considerable time, however, was consumed in carrying out the project. Charles was at present formally acknowledged as king, and his sanction was to be obtained, if possible. A correspondence had to be carried on between the parliament and the General Assembly of Scotland. A greater degree of unanimity had to be secured in parliament itself respecting the propriety and details of the proposed plan. The end was brought about therefore by tedious stages. In April, 1642, parliament had resolved to reform the government and liturgy of the Church of England, and to establish learned and preaching ministers throughout the whole kingdom, and "for the better effecting thereof, speedily to have consultation with godly and

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