1649, or at the time to which our present statement refers :- -"These things I speak, not to make way for licentiousness, that whatever opinions men hold, think, say, or practise, they may be free; but merely that consciences truly tender, may not be forced. It is one thing to restrain men's practices which are idolatrous, blasphemous, against pure worship, the power of godliness, and peace of the state; another, to force men to that their judgment and conscience are against. I pleaded not ever for a toleration of all, neither do, but only that those whose lives are holy, peaceable, and differ in judgment from others in some things, may not be forced to conform or depart. Owen's views were of a similar nature. In his Essay on Toleration, annexed to his sermon on the occasion of Charles' execution, he concedes the right and duty of the magistrate to provide places of worship and means of support for a faithful ministry.† While such opinions prevailed amongst the Congregational Independents, it was not likely that the Independent party generally should attempt to alter the course of ecclesiastical legislation already adopted. Public opinion was not sufficiently enlightened to warrant any practical measures in such a direction. There can be little doubt, however, that the defective policy of parliament in respect to these two things-the representation of the country, and ecclesiastical affairs-was the main cause of the disturbances which agitated and ultimately upset the commonwealth. Favouritism necessarily became the * Greenhill's Ezekiel, Sherman's Edition, p. 278. † Owen's Works, Vol. xv. p. 200. Orme's Life of Owen, p. : order of the day. The state was only nominally a republic: real government was in the hands of a self-constituted few. Liberty of conscience was only nominally authorized presbyterians and Independents divided between them the emoluments formerly conferred on the Anglican hierarchy. While many of the staunchest advocates of liberty became disgusted with the result of their attempts to enfranchise the nation, the royalists were encouraged to seek the recovery of those privileges and offices which they thought themselves as much entitled to as their present possessors. Thus continual occasion was afforded for agitation and strife. The "levellers," or extreme republicans, were the earliest to show dissatisfaction, and from dissatisfaction proceeded to acts of violence which it required the strong hand of power to suppress.* The law of treason was made severely stringent, and thereby exasperated instead of pacifying such as were disaffected towards the parliament. Meanwhile both Scotland and Ireland declared for Charles the Second, and put themselves in a posture for offensive war, while royalists, presbyterians, and levellers were agitating for their respective objects at home. It was evident whither the course of affairs was tending. Clouds portending storm and convulsion were fast gathering. Parliament was unable to cope with its many difficulties; and though tenacious of power, scarcely knew how to use it. The genius of Cromwell alone was equal to the emergency. Appointed to reduce Ireland, he performed his task with tremendous efficacy, leaving behind him a name of terror *The levellers appear to have held sound views on many points; but were rash in seeking their accomplishment. which remains to this day.* Then entering Scotland, he routed the covenanters at Dunbar, and occupied Glasgow and Edinburgh.† After this, leaving Monk to finish the conquest of Scotland, he terminated the reactionary war by the total defeat of the combined Scotch and royalist forces at Worcester, on the 3rd of September, 1651. Thus in little more than two years the enemies of the Commonwealth were overthrown. A reference here to the proceedings of Cromwell in Ireland and Scotland seems indispensable to a correct estimate of his character, the more especially as false or exaggerated statements bave been published in almost all histories respecting them. Those writers who have designedly pourtrayed Cromwell as a hypocrite, have generally prepared the minds of their readers by enumerating the cruelties practised on the Irish, and the oppression exercised towards the Scotch by the victorious general. There is no truth in such enumeration. The war in Ireland was decisive, and the garrisons which refused submission after repeated summons, were refused quarter; but such as were not in arms were invariably spared, and the innocent were always separated from the guilty. With a clear conscience, Cromwell could challenge his enemies on the spot to point out a single example of unnecessary severity or cruelty. "Give us an instance," he exclaims in his answer to the popish prelates and clergy, "of one man since my coming into Ireland, not in arms, massacred, des *For two differing estimates of the manner of Cromwell's proceedings in Ireland, see Carlyle, ii. p. 116—166; and Mackintosh, vol. vi. 141-146. † Carlyle, ii. 170-334. Ibid, 335-337. troyed, or banished; concerning the massacre or the destruction of whom justice hath not been done, or endeavoured to be done!"* The wonder is, that in so expeditious a war, so little blood should have been shed. Towards Scotland Cromwell's behaviour was that of a merciful conqueror. There is nothing in any part of his proceedings to indicate a vindictive spirit. His attitude even while he had his foot upon the neck of the nation, was not that of a merciless tyrant, prepared to wreak his vengeance on the foe; but that of a forbearing victor, who felt regret at having been compelled to humble them. No blood was wantonly shed. No excess was indulged in by the successful army. So soon as the blow had proved decisive, clemency took the place of wrath; and while subordination to the authority of the Commonwealth was strictly enforced, every facility was afforded to the peaceable and obedient, in repairing their divisions and bettering their condition. Few * Carlyle, ii. p. 135. Referring to the manifesto of the "Popish Prelates and Clergy,” Carlyle has the following remarks, which may serve as one specimen out of many, of the manner in which these exaggerated statements vanish before the light of truth. "What perhaps will most strike the careless modern reader in the Clonmacnoise manifesto with its 'inferences' of general extermination, is that 'shew of clemency;' and the total absence of those 'many inhabitants' butchered at Drogheda lately: total absence of those; and also of the 'two hundred women in the market-place of Wexford,' who in modern times have even grown 'two hundred beautiful women,' (all young, and in their Sunday clothes for the occasion,) and figure still, in the Irish imagination, in a very horrid This circumstance, and still more what Cromwell himself says on the subject of 'massacring,' will strike the modern reader; and the 'two hundred women,' and some other things, I persuade myself, will profitably vanish from the market-place henceforth !"-Ibid, p. 119. manner. ... conquerors would have acted as Cromwell did, towards a nation which had behaved so treacherously, and in a time of so much peril, to the state of England. Cromwell's proceedings in relation to religion are worthy of special notice. Though a conqueror, he violated no promises respecting the freedom of the people in matters of worship. Before the battle of Dunbar, he had promised them liberty of conscience, affirming that it was no part of his business "to hinder any of them from worshipping God in that way they -the honest people in Scotland-are satisfied in their consciences by the Word of God they ought, though different from us. This promise was observed. In all his dispatches to the parliament of England, and in all his correspondence during this period, Cromwell shows the deepest interest in the welfare of the religious people, and his determination that their spiritual liberties should remain untouched. It is impossible to read without emotion the concluding portion of his letter to the speaker of the House of Commons, the day after the famous battle itself. Though flushed with victory, he rises superior to any of the ordinary promptings of pride, and pursues his loftier aims with singleness of heart. "Since we came into Scotland," he writes, “it hath been our desire and longing to have avoided blood in this business; by reason that God hath a people here fearing his name, though deceived. And to that end have we offered much love unto such, in the bowels of Christ; and concerning the truth of our hearts therein, have we appealed unto the Lord. The ministers of Scotland have hindered the passage of these things to * See Cromwell's letter to Lesley, from the camp at Pentland Hills, 14th August, 1650. Carlyle, ii, 191. |