and surrounded by hills of more or less altitude; amid which wound wooded gorges, full of picturesque and strange rocks, formed by nature in her most fantastic mood, worn into hollows and moulded into peaks and angles and ridges, eaten away here and rounded off there by the action of prehistoric tides. From Blackwood's Magazine. is situated the great natural harbor of Bizerta, and the port of Goletta. Susa and Sfax are of considerable mercantile importance. The export trade of the country is for the most part confined to oil, esparto grass, wool, and cereals, and its imports consist chiefly of colonial produce and manufactured goods. There are about thirty thousand European colonists in Tunis, of which sixteen thousand are Italians and ten thousand Maltese. I refrain from alluding even in the briefest manner to the annals of Tunis prior to its conquest by the Arabs. The history of Phoenician, Roman, and Byzantine Tunis is the history of Carthage. In the twenty-first year of the Hegira, Tunis was invaded by the Arabs under Okba, and before a quarter of a century had elapsed it was completely occupied by its conquerors. In 698 A.D. Hassan-ben-el Noman destroyed the Byzantine Carthage which had sprung up on the ruins of the Phoenician and Roman cities, and a victorious Moslem army reached the shores of the Atlantic, founding the provinces of Algeria and Morocco. We hear of one dynasty of rulers succeeding another down to the time when the great family of Beni Hafs obtained the supreme power in Tunis, and held it for just three hundred years. One of the most celebrated of this race, Mouley Muhamed, died in 1525, bequeathing his throne to his youngest son, Mouley Hassan. In order to render his own position unassailable, Mouley Hassan planned the massacre of his brothers. Two of them were assassi nated, but the survivor, Reshid, contrived to escape. Taking refuge in the first instance with the celebrated Turkish cor sair Kheir-ed-Din, he afterwards accom IF a straight line were to be drawn from the frontiers of India on the east to the coast of north Africa on the west, it would pass through an unbroken series of Mohammedan countries, which have one and all of them at some time or another played an important part in the history of the world. A very large proportion of the states in question are dependencies of the Ottoman Empire, which has generally been understood up to the present time to comprise within its limits, not only Arabia and Syria, but the pashalics or regencies of Egypt, Tripoli, and Tunis. From the banks of the Tigris to the now famous Hamír Mountains on the frontiers of Algeria, numberless Moslem tribes acknowledge the civil and religious supremacy of the caliphs at Stamboul, and consider their own immediate rulers, the khedives, beys, or pachas, as velis, viceroys, or governors. This fealty paid to the sultan of Turkey throughout Egypt, Tripoli, and Tunis (to say nothing of Asia Minor and Arabia) is no doubtful sentiment or political fiction; it is a living, actual, and unmistakable reality, and forms part of the common ideas as to civil duty entertained by every good Mos-panied his protector to Constantinople. lem throughout these three provinces. The regency of Tunis has, since 1830, formed the extreme western boundary of the Ottoman Empire, and recent events which have occurred in connection with it have in a very marked manner attracted the attention of Europe to its history, its political status, and its ultimate fate. The Tunisian beylic occupies nearly the centre of the northern shores of Africa; and its seacoast, which extends first eastward and then due south, forms an irregular line of nearly five hundred miles. The country is inhabited from one hundred to two hundred and fifty miles inland, is watered by several large streams, and possesses a fertile soil, large unexplored mineral wealth, and a peaceful and industrious population. In the north The sultan, Soliman, readily agreed to espouse his cause, and undertake the conquest of Tunis on his behalf; but before the Turkish armament set sail in 1534, Reshid was thrown into a Turkish prison, from which he does not appear to have ever emerged. The plans of Kheir-ed. Din were attended with complete success; the gates of Tunis were thrown open to him, the imperial banner of the caliphs was unfurled on the citadel, and the first act of the conquerors was to proclaim the overthrow of the dynasty of the Beni Hafs, and that henceforth obedience was to be paid exclusively to the veli or deputy of the Porte. It was thus that the caliphs obtained political as well as religious supremacy in Tunis. In the course of a few days the gates of the holy city of Cairwán were opened to the Turk- | of the results of his labors puts the quesish viceroy, and the deposed Mouley tion of the political status of Tunis durHassan fled to the court of Charles V. ing the period above referred to beyond The emperor promised to assist him, and during the summer of 1535 appeared off Goletta the Piræus of the Tunisian capital with a fleet of four hundred sail and an army of about thirty thousand men. The forces of Spain, Flanders, Portugal, Italy, and the Knights of St. John, took part in this famous expedition. Complete success attended the operations of the invading army, Kheir-ed-Din was defeated, and Mouley Hassan was once more placed upon the throne of his fathers. On the 6th August, 1535, he signed a treaty by which he acknowledged himself to be a vassal of Spain, and bearing in many of its details a remarkable resemblance to the hardly less important convention which, on the 12th May, 1881, rendered the regency of Tunis a fief of the French republic. The Turks, however, continued to offer the most strenuous resistance to Mouley Hassan and his Spanish allies. In 1573, Sinan Pasha, the Turkish general, regained possession of the regency, which was entirely evacuated by the Spaniards, and proceeded to reorganize the government of the country on behalf of the Sublime Porte. The supreme power was intrusted to a pasha named by the sultan, who was to be assisted by a cadi (appointed in the same manner) and a divan or council. The public prayer was to mention only the ruling sultan of the Osmanlis," and in his name alone was all money current in Tunis to be coined. Up to within six weeks ago the doors of the hall of justice at the Bardo Palace were always thrown open at four o'clock, and the public invited by proclamation to pay homage to their most puissant suzerain the emperor of Turkey, whose virtues were loudly set forth by a functionary appointed for the purpose. In 1705, one Hossein ben Ali became bey or pacha of Tunis, and his descendants have remained in power ever since. The present bey, Muhamed-esSadik, succeeded his brother in 1859. the possibility of a doubt. Some such investigation is rendered necessary by the fact that M. Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, in a circular of the 9th May, 1881, (which was issued simultaneously with a livrejaune on Tunisian affairs), declares that "France has always regarded Tunis as an independent country;" whereas Earl Granville, in his letter to Lord Lyons of the 17th June, 1880, says that "in the view of her Majesty's government, Tunis was a portion of the Ottoman Empire." The history of Tunis as written by M. Rousseau, and a study of the various treaties entered into between that country and France, leave no doubt whatever either as to the legitimacy of the sultan's claims to suzerainty, or as to the correctness of the facts contained in his appeal to the great powers. M. Rousseau tells us of the constant arrival in Tunis of special envoys from the Porte; of the investiture of each succeeding bey with the kaftan, or robe of honor sent from Stamboul; of frequent applications made to the Porte in matters concerning Tunis by the French ambassador at Constantinople; of decisions on several occasions pronounced by Turkish commissioners as to disputes between Tunis and Algiers; and of Austria, Venice, and Tuscany negotiating conventions with Tunis through the good offices of the sultan. The testimony afforded by the texts of the thirteen Franco-Tunisian treaties entered into between 1604 and 1830, is still more convincing. The bey of Tunis is uniformly styled as the viceroy, dey, captain-general, or pacha of the Odjak of Tunis; the treaties made by France with the Sublime Porte from the year 1535 are ratified and confirmed, and in several of the conventions it is stipulated that French vessels coming to Tunis shall only pay dues levied in other parts of the Ottoman Empire." In 1830, a Tunisian force was sent to the aid of the sultan; and even as late as 1854, the bey of Tunis sent a conThese references to the past history of tingent of fifteen thousand to join the Tunis are necessary in order to estimate Turkish army in the Crimea. There can the gravity of the events which recently therefore be no doubt as to the untenabilhappened there. The author of "Les ity of the position assumed by M. St. Annales Tunisiennes" has compiled an Hilaire, whose arguments involve a dielaborate record of the history of the lemma from which there is no escape. He regency between the years 1525 and says Tunis is, and always has been, inde1832. M. Rousseau was first interpreter pendent. Nobody disputes that she acof the French consulate-general at Tunis cepted the firman of 1871 ratifying her in 1860, and had access to the voluminous position as a dependency of the Sublime archives of that office. An examination | Porte. If she accepted those conditions "the as an independent State, they are equally | shown a disposition to favor in every way binding on her, and must of necessity im- the introduction of foreign capital into pugn the validity of any arrangement now his country; but he has always endeav made in defiance of them. These considerations are of little practical importance, as the dependency of Tunis on Turkey, politically speaking, is substantiated beyond the possibility of a doubt. ored, in the concessions he has granted, to maintain his own independence. Ten years ago several English companies embarked in different enterprises in Tunis. Of these one still exists, while a second has ceded its rights to the Italian Rubattino Company. We now come to the consideration of the relations of Great Britain with Tunis. Between 1662 and 1826, fifteen conven- One of the most important events of tions were entered into by the two coun- the reign of Muhamed-es-Sadik Bey was tries. The conditions obtained were the reception of a firman from the sultan singularly favorable to English com- in 1871. Although the bey had been merce; and we always appear to have formally invested on his accession to the been considered in the light of the most throne twelve years before, he felt that favored nation. Article 24 of the Treaty time had somewhat weakened the tie of 1751 ran thus: "Que les sujets de Sa Majesté Britannique seront toujours traité par l'Etat de Tunis avec le plus haut degré d'égard, d'amitié, et d'honneur, parceque les Anglais, de toutes les autres nations sont les premiers et les meilleurs amis." During upwards of two centuries our forefathers jealously watched our position in Tunis as "the most favored nation; " and M. Rousseau clearly points out that whenever France managed to obtain some exceptional privileges, England immediately demanded similar concessions for herself. Besides the treaties above alluded to, two other important conventions exist between Great Britain and Tunis. By that of 1863, English subjects acquired the right of holding real property in Tunis in their own name; while that of 1875 relates almost exclusively to commerce. In virtue of the one, British subjects have acquired much land in the regency; while the other has not a little contributed to the development of international trade. During a reign of twenty-two years, Muhamed-es Sadik has honestly tried to insure to each European nation a just respect for rights acquired by treaty, and has always refused to allow one of his allies to profit by the loss of another. In 1869 the finances of the country were, with the consent and approval of England, France, and Italy, placed in the hands of an International Financial Commission, in which all three powers were equally represented. A large portion of the revenues of the country have been conceded to the Commission in order to secure the punctual payment of the interest on the funded debt; but they are collected and administered in strict conformity with the treaty engagements existing between the regency of Tunis and the powers. The bey has invariably which bound him as a vassal to the ca- firman when France was weak in 1871, | interests." Seven years before, the bey forms a striking contrast to the apathy of Tunis had granted to M. de Sancy a with which they have witnessed its de- vast domain, to be held under certain struction in 1881 when France is strong, specific conditions, called Sidi Tabet. powerful, and therefore to be dreaded. The grant was purely personal, and, In 1878 the bey sent both money and amongst other things, M. de Sancy ensupplies to Constantinople, and Russia gaged to maintain on the estate such an withdrew her consul from Tunis on the establishment as would conduce to the outbreak of hostilities. The German improvement of the native breed of emperor in 1872 refused to receive a horses. According to the terms of his Tunisian envoy unless presented by the agreement with the Tunisian governTurkish ambassador, and England has ment, M. de Sancy's rights were forfeited, invariably assumed a similar position. and an attempt was made by the bey With these unavoidable references to (who even then appears to have become the history of Tunis in the past, I now alarmed at M. Roustan's progress) to repropose to sketch the events which led to cover possession of the property in the and attended the recent French invasion manner prescribed by the original deed of the country, and culminated in the sign-of gift. M. Roustan, however, promptly ing of the Treaty of Kasr-Essaid on the intervened; the Tunisian minister was 12th May, 1881. In 1876 Monsieur Theo- obliged to publicly demand pardon for dore Roustan arrived at Tunis as French invading a French possession, and M. de chargé d'affaires. Restless, ambitious, Sancy's grant was renewed, but with powand energetic, he soon evinced a disposi-ers of cession. The domain of Sidi Tation to advance French interests in the bet has now passed into the hands of the country with a high hand. Two years Société Marseillaise. Shortly afterwards later Signor Licurgo Macciò, an old rival a M. Oscar Gay arrived at Tunis. He of M. Roustan's in Egypt, succeeded to brought with him a project, which appears the post of Italian consul-general in to have been of too advanced a nature Tunis, and seemed determined to contest even for M. Roustan, although he very his French colleague's endeavors to assert strongly supported it. M. Gay desired for France an exclusive prépondérance at to rebuild the city, and reconstruct the the Tunisian court. About this time the ports, of Carthage. The bey refused to capabilities of Tunis as a field for enter- accept his proposals, and he was obliged prise and speculation attracted the atten- to rest contented with a considerable intion of the capitalists of Paris and demnity for lost time, and the grand corMarseilles, and the Société des Comptoirs don of the Tunisian Order. During 1880 Maritimes, the Société Marseillaise, and M. Roustan pressed the granting of sevthe Société des Batignolles, hastened to eral other concessions on the bey, but in establish branches in the regency. In the summer of that year he received a M. Roustan they found an able and de- temporary check which has never been voted ally. The bey was induced to forgotten or forgiven. The English railgrant to the last-named company a con- way between Tunis and the Goletta came cession to construct a railway across his into the market, and after a spirited comterritory towards the Tunisian frontier, petition it was purchased by the Italian and a year later he unwillingly permitted Rubattino Company. M. Roustan at once the constructors to effect a junction with obtained grants for lines to the coast and the Algerian lines. Five years ago a to Bizerta, and a general undertaking very similar grant was made to an En- from the Tunisian governments to refrain glishman; but as the pecuniary success from allowing the construction of any of the undertaking was more than prob- other railways in the country without first lematical, the project wholly failed to find offering them to French capitalists. M. favor in the English market. M. Roustan, Macciò now endeavored to obtain permishowever, induced the government of the sion to connect the regency with the telerepublic to guarantee a satisfactory inter- graphic lines of Italy by a submarine est on the necessary capital; and it was cable; but M. Roustan induced the bey then he must have unfolded his plans, to refuse his consent, although the French which, three years later, resulted in the pretensions to monopolize telegraphic events which Europe has witnessed dur- communication could on no ground be ing the past three months. Not content defended. Shortly afterwards a conceswith the success achieved by the Société sion was granted for the construction of des Batignolles, M. Roustan embarked on a port at Tunis, which would render the other similar adventures in aid of "French | Rubattino line practically useless. Dur C'est en cela [writes Videns] consiste l'art moderne des gouvernants. Ils ont pour instruments choisis, dans l'exercise de cet art, les Agences télégraphiques, qui sont à leurs ordres: pour instruments volontaires les journaux juifs, ou financiers, c'est la même chose, et il y en a beaucoup pour instruments aveugles on inconscients, les malheureux journaux, même honnêtes, contraints par la nécessité de fournir des nouvelles à leurs abonnés, de reproduire les dépêches et les correspondences riellement impossible de se passer. toutes faites des Agences, dont il leur est maté The Italian and English press, however, strongly advocated the maintenance of the status quo in Tunis; and it soon became evident that some better excuse for proceeding to extremities than the Enfida case must be put forward. The action of M. Roustan in that matter had well nigh involved France in a very disagreeable complication. During the early days of March, M. St. Hilaire thought it prudent to distinctly deny any desire on the part of France to obtain a protectorate over Tunis. ing the summer of 1880 M. Roustan first | French writer in a very remarkable pamintimated to the bey his plans for the phlet, “Les Français en Tunisie," alludes establishment over the regency of a in the following terms to the means used French protectorate; and as time went to justify the approaching campaign in on, he pressed the matter with increasing the eyes of France: energy on Muhamed-es-Sadik, but without any favorable result. The bey informed the sultan of these proposals, and seemed inclined to court the aid of Italy. Matters were in this position at the beginning of the present year, when the dispute commonly known as the "Enfida" case attracted public attention in England to Tunis, and more particularly to M. Roustan's proceedings. The exprime minister of Tunis, Kheir-ed-Din Pacha, possessed an enormous domain in the neighborhood of the city of Cairwán called the Enfida. An English subject, Mr. Levy, was the proprietor of a neighboring estate, known as the Suyah. Mr. Levy was in treaty for the pur chase of the Enfida, when the Société Marseillaise intervened and induced the pacha to sell it to them. According to the local law of Tunis, adjoining proprie tors have the right of exercising pre-emption, and obtaining possession of the property sold, on repaying the purchasemoney, with certain formalities, to the original vendee. This right was exercised by Mr. Levy, and the local courts The activity of M. Roustan enabled put him in possession of the Enfida. M. him in a short time to furnish his governRoustan forcibly ejected Mr. Levy's ment with a fresh pretext for hostile acagents from a house on the estate, but tion towards the Tunisian government, failed to deprive him of the bulk of the and with one which entailed no undesiraproperty. The matter was referred to ble entanglement with a European power. England: two ships of war were sent to He fell back on the time-honored casus counteract M. Roustan's attempt to over- belli of a frontier raid. Between Tunis awe the Tunisian authorities, and to this and Algeria is a spur of the Atlas range, day Mr. Levy remains the occupant of stretching from a point some sixty miles the Enfida. The action of the govern- inland to the shores of the Mediterrament in this matter, rightly or wrongly, nean near Tabarca. One slope is inhab impressed the bey with a conviction that ited by the Tunisian tribe of Hamírs (any England was not prepared to surrender other rendering of the name is absolutely her interests in Tunis, and that Mr. Glad- incorrect), while the other is peopled by stone would adopt a policy in conformity the Algerian tribe of Nehed. The Hawith his views of 1871. M. Roustan mírs are sturdy, warlike, and quarrelsome next demanded, on behalf of a M. Re- agriculturists, never too loyal subjects of nault, the authorization of the bey for the the bey, but by no means the brigands formation of an agricultural bank, with they have been described to be. In the peculiar and exclusive privileges; and his last days of March a dispute arose berequest was refused. During the months tween some of the Hamírs and their of January and February in the present neighbors the Neheds, and in an affray a year, the Havas Telegraphic Agency and Hamír was killed and some Nehed tents the French press entered on an active burned. A company of French soldiers campaign against Tunis, taking the Enfi- interfered; the Hamírs were attacked on da case and the Agricultural Bank as their Tunisian territory, and five French soltext; and the assertion of French pré-diers and several Hamírs lost their lives pondérance, the establishment of the pro- in the mêlée. This occurred on the 31st tectorate, or even the total annexation of March; and within six weeks from that the regency, were openly discussed. A time, Tunis, as an independent country, |