TURKEY AND ITS RESOURCES: its Municipal Organization and Free Trade; the State and Prospects of English Commerce in the East; the New Administration of Greece, its Revenue and National Possessions. By D. URQUHART, Esq. London: Saunders & Otley, 1833.

WE have been favoured with an early copy of this work, and think we cannot better discharge our duty than by hastening to bring its contents before the public. The subject, indeed, at the present moment, is one of pressing importance. Turkey and its resources: the Ottoman Empire, on one side of the Bosphorous, laid prostrate before the rebellious march of a feudatory vassal; on the other, humbled beneath "such protection as vultures give to lambs." Late events and the present state of the East, shew that great changes, long ago predicted, long and anxiously anticipated, are fearfully near consummation. It is, therefore, at this time, more than ever, important to form a correct estimate of the administration which has thus far held together a system so extended, and of so dissimilar parts. This inquiry is no longer one of curiosity; it is necessary for the removal of difficulties that may arise, and for the direction of the moral and political influence which, for our evil or our good, without our will and beyond our control, we exercise over that Empire. The commotions and the changes in Turkey give us new facts. They shew the elements of her constitution in operation, expose the principles of her administration, and afford us the grounds and the leisure, before greater changes occur, to examine how far these principles are capable of being strengthened and enforced under new and different forms: what the danger, what the hopes that attend the change. Our opinions, as to the policy to be pursued in any interference in the affairs of the East, are only to be formed on our knowledge of what is practicable and what desirable. Our author puts the case in forcible language.

"The lingering adhesion of the parts of Turkey to each other is far more surprising and less easily accounted for, than the dismemberment of that empire. Rebellion has been successful, habits of resistance have been formed, the hands of government have been weakened, its authority insulted, and it may be truly said, at this moment, the political organization is palsied: authority, under whatever name it is exercised whether of the Sultan or Mehemet Ali, is only a form; and this vast body lies with life in each articulation, without corresponding sympathies, without a ruling mind, or the powers of common action. But even still more alarming than its internal state are its foreign relations. Its political weakness and administrative corruption would render it a miserable antagonist in the field of diplomacy with the most insignificant European state; yet its position implicates its interests with those of all the great states of Europe, or at least of four out of five. One has for its chief end, to create anarchy in Turkey; another that order and tranquillity should be maintained, but under the most despotic form of government; the third endeavours in vain to conciliate a general system of support with a particular scheme of dismemberment; and the fourth, which alone has a direct and philanthropic interest in preserving its integrity and reforming its abuses, unfortunately, by the very absence of a specific and interested object, is either unprepared, or interferes when too late."

Can the throne of the Sultan withstand, then, the open outrage of the Egyptian, and the crafty friendship of the Russian? If so, by what means? Has the country the elements of regeneration within herself, or can she derive them from abroad; and is it practicable and expedient to call them into activity, even at this, the eleventh hour of her threatened dissolution? If not, what will be the consequences, not to Turkey alone, but to Europe? Similar inquiries must have suggested them

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selves to every man who has watched the recent progress of Eastern affairs with any degree of interest, and understood the immediate and future influence these must exercise on other states, and on England in especial.

The volume before us may be taken advantageously for our guide and adviser, in forming our opinions on the above subjects. But let it not be supposed that it is a book opportunely set forth by writer and publisher at a moment of popular excitement. The manner in which the subject is treated contradicts such a suspicion, even had we not means of knowing that the author has travelled and resided for several years among the different races of the Turkish empire, and studied their political feelings, conduct, and institutions, under circumstances peculiarly favourable for obtaining and unfolding a thorough knowledge of them. If it be asked, what new matter can be found in so exhausted a subject as Turkey?—the contents of the volume will best answer the question. Hitherto, for the most part, a vague curiosity has glanced a careless eye over the changes of scenes in the East, as if to enjoy the effect, not to investigate the cause. Travellers have traversed the country, and, in recording the incidents of their wanderings, have interspersed passing observations on the public and domestic economy of the government and people; but no one has penetrated so deeply into certain districts of the country, sojourned so long, and lived so intimately with the natives, as our author ;-much less has any one devoted his attention so exclusively to its political organization. Eton and Thornton alone treat of Turkey as a whole. Since their time, writers seem to have proposed to themselves merely the amusement of their readers. They have dramatized the subject, drawing the Turks as Calibans or Othellos. Their tours abound with details of personal adventures and scenic effects, which, cloying curiosity without administering substantial food, have led the public to be indifferent to the working parts of the extraordinary political machine of Turkish administration, from its minute acquaintance with a Mussulman's household affairs, his dress, and mode of life. As, in selecting the scene of personal observations, the author pursued a path almost untrodden by preceding travellers, so, in the choice of matter for practical investigation, he has elucidated a subject heretofore little noticed.

It will be seen in the sequel that Mr. Urquhart is not less original in his views of Turkish finance and administration, than he was forward in the tract to seize these views. The author's own words on this subject are:

"The higher portions of the administration of Turkey have been minutely described, and its errors and vices have been a thousand times repeated. That portion of it which the present volume is intended to describe has hitherto been unfortunately neglected, and consists of the popular and elementary parts, through the intervention of which the revenue is collected; whence two principles of vast practical importance have sprung: perfect freedom of industry and commerce, by the placing of taxation directly on property; and a rural municipal organization, which, called into existence and maintained in activity for financial purposes, has been the means of dispensing justice, of mitigating oppression, and of replacing patriotism by local affections and common sympathies."

Yet, however favourably placed for observation, and whatever the capacity of the observer, the development of the system of civil administration in European Turkey must be a task alike arduous and intri. cate. The investigation of this subject requires a mind free from prejudice of country, unfettered by the political dogmas of particular

schools, full of philanthropy, and well acquainted with the history of ancient and modern political institutions. Its discussion is most interesting, but not more interesting than difficult. It requires a steady head to encounter, and a just eye to discriminate and comprehend.

The volume contains twelve chapters and an appendix. The first four treat of the municipal institutions of Turkey; the fifth of its financial system; the sixth of its provincial administration; the next four of its commercial resources; the eleventh of the relations of Turkey with Russia, Austria, and France; the last of the policy and prospects of the new administration of Greece. The appendix contains several valuable statistical tables; and a comparison of the mode of raising the revenue in Turkey, Rome, England, &c. It is impossible for us, on this occasion, to embrace all these topics in one article, and each of them might, by its importance, claim precedence. We shall, therefore, now confine our review to the first subject discussed by the author, and which forms the groundwork of the others, namely, the municipalities.

First. Municipal institutions. The conduct and rules of a people, who have been our guides and teachers in experimental philosophy, in logical induction, and in almost every branch of science, must certainly be worthy of our study for instruction on the question of public economy. The internal polity and administration of a government which, out of the most unpromising materials, drew unparalleled means of conquest and of power, spreading its dominion over half the globe, adapting itself to all climes, and combining, without commingling, all creeds and races of men, are surely deserving our most serious attention.

The light which has lately been thrown on every question connected with the past history and present state, and the moral and intellectual capacity, of the people of the East, cannot allow to continue much longer that vulgar prejudice which ascribes to religious zeal, or the agency of purely religious institutions alone, the triumphs and the permanency of Islamism. In the struggles between the cross and the crescent, when all Europe poured forth her sons upon Anatolia, the religion of Christ put on all the warlike character to which the success of Islamism has been ascribed. The steels of the north and the west surpassed in weight, if not in temper, the blades of Damascus. The tide of Osmanli conquest was rolled back from the Bosphorous to the limits of Arabia. Chris.. tian kingdoms were erected, Gothic dynasties established in the centre of the former conquests of Turks and Saracens. Mussulman enthusiasm might then be deemed exhausted by defeat; ardour of conquest repressed by disaster; and the zeal of proselytism overpowered by the triumph of a hostile creed. From what series of causes, then, did Christian princes fail to consolidate their dominion in the East, and so reap the fruits of their labour? Wherefore could they not, by virtue of civil institutions, retain that conquest, which they had won by religious zeal and superior military prowess? The difference in the mode of civil government pursued by Europeans and Asiatics offers the solution. The causes of the disastrous events of the religious wars may, we think, be found in certain points of contrast between the administration, political maxims, and practice of Europe, and those of the East. These points of contrast are chiefly the introduction of feudalism and all its concomitant evils by the Norman and Gallic princes, together with the commercial despotism of the trading republics, the carriers of the crusades; and the ascetic severity of a political church government. Against these are to be placed a government, despotic in form, but never exercising

its despotism in the local administration of the country; oppressive in its burdens, yet leaving commerce and industry free; intolerant in its creed, but without a political church or inquisitorial police. Undoubtedly the success of Turkish chiefs in war, and their authority in peace, are, in some measure, to be ascribed to the doctrines of their faith: but it does not at all follow that the faith of Mahomet would consecrate the authority of his successors in the eyes of tributary nations, who, though conquered, refused the creed of the victors. The establishment, remarkable prosperity, and permanency of Islamism in countries where the Mussulman creed does not predominate, can only be attributed to its political character. This political character it exhibits in the explicit rules and authority contained in the Koran, for the establishment of munici pal institutions. These institutions are so inseparable from the Mussulman financial system, that they may be considered a portion of it. They may be distinctly traced wherever the Mussulman sway has extended, and appear the only, and the satisfactory solution of the phenomena it presents. Our author coincides in this opinion :

"It has too long been a habit in Europe," he says, "to regard Mahometanism purely as a religion, without considering that a political was involved with the religious question, and that the religious sanction was often not unprofitably applied to public ends." (P. 283.)

The author defines simply and correctly the term municipal:

"The administration which the inhabitants of each village, burgh, or section of the country establish for the management of their local affairs, as distinguished from, and independent of, the political government." (P. 17.)

Municipal organization is nothing more than the natural relations between man and man, when fictitious distinctions and prejudices are removed, and when men set about doing that which is needful for their mutual support and preservation in the easiest and most efficient way. The system is incompatible with appointments proceeding from a central government; and essentially implicated with reciprocal control, and equal contributions. The consequences of these are prevention of the interference of the central government in affairs of burgh administration, and of resistance of the parts of the state to the general executive, (as was lately seen in America ;) while the contribution falling on property, production and exchange, industry and commerce are left entirely free. Such was the admirably simple and efficient form of administration that spread the supremacy of the Caliphs, from the pillars of Hercules almost to the frontiers of China: such, precisely such, were the principles of administration, in its early purity, of the world whose capital was Rome.

In the present volume we have given us a most instructive sketch of the constitution and operation of these institutions throughout the Greek and Sclavonic races inhabiting European Turkey. Their beneficial influence is thus appreciated by the author:—

“All the causes of a nation's destruction are in active operation in Turkey. Year after year, for two centuries, have devastation and scenes of bloodshed and desolation succeeded to each other; and year after year has been anticipated the approaching extinction of European commerce, and the immediate exhaustion of every source of wealth; yet Turkey still exists, nay, furnishes food for fresh destruction; her com merce with Europe continues to move and is hourly increasing. Whence are to be deduced effects so little analogous with the apparent causes? 1st, From the absence of many of the evils that accompany the conditional despotism of European govern. ments. 2dly, From the existence of a municipal organization." (P. 12.)

Again he says, "The elevation of the Greeks to political importance in the Turk

ish empire; the facilities for reorganization which the country possesses; the moral character and industry of the population; the preservation of their distinctive features and creeds; and the preservation of the Turkish empire itself, seem to me to be all of them effects of the local municipal institutions. This opinion has been very deliberately and cautiously adopted, it was not preconceived, or taken up even with a knowledge of the existence of similar institutions throughout the greater portion of the east; it was the result of observation in detail, under varying circumstances and at different periods.” (P. 14.)

Not less useful was the employment of them in the hands of the eastern conquerors as an instrument of subjection.

"The rayas," it is stated by the author, "owe these institutions to the Turkish dominion. Under the weak and despicable eastern empire, the mass of the people was reduced to the lowest state of moral and political depravity. A corrupt aristocracy, a tyrannical and innumerable clergy, the oppression of perverted law, the exactions of a despicable government, and still more, its monopolies, its fiscality, its armies of tax and custom collectors, left the degraded people neither rights nor institutions, neither chance of amelioration, nor hope of redress. It is therefore not to be wondered at, if they fled from the tax-gatherer to the barbarians; or if, at a later period, they were glad to exchange both the precarious sway of these conflicting tribes, and even the more fell dominion of their own weak empire, for the powerful protection of the Ottoman dominion, whose rule must have been, indeed, a happy change for the Greeks, when it was sought by the persecuted of Europe, and became the refuge of the Jews of Spain, and of the Protestants of Hungary.” (P. 19.)

The structure of this system is as simple as its powers are efficient. Municipal functionaries are of two classes: elders, elected by the freest suffrage of the people from themselves, and who are the administrators in the imposition and collection of the revenue ;-priests, holding their office independent of favour, and who are the arbitrators in matters of dispute or difficulty: these, though not elected by the people are still subject to their control, and unworthiness can be at once punished by disgrace.

"The priest," says our author, "differs in scarcely any respect from the other members of the community; the authority of the office depends greatly on the merit of the man. He receives but a small fee for certain religious ceremonies, and for marriages, burials, and baptisms. He cultivates his ground with his own hands, or follows some other industrious occupation. He is, or may be, a married man, and is bound to no interest of caste or system opposed to the interest of the community." (P. 32.)

Our own experience, acquired during three years residence in various parts of Greece, and Turkey in Europe and Asia, fully confirms the opinion of Mr. Urquhart, where he says, "The elders are faithful stewards, and intelligent administrators. They stand between poverty and want, between weakness and oppression, and are beloved as common fathers." (P. 33.) No traveller in the east but must have been frequently beholden to these excellent persons for acts of kindness beyond price, and have had occasion to esteem their honesty and intelligence, not less than their hospitality. Had those travellers who have succeeded but too well in disseminating false impressions of Greek conduct and character-for evil is more easily recorded and believed than good—possessed the courage to penetrate beyond the seaports of the country, to obtain a fair sample of the people whom they pretend to describe; or the capacity to understand the civil government of rural districts, and perceive the manifest benefits of its operation; or the candour to state the extent and correctness of moral and political sentiments prevailing among them, they would, nine cases out of ten, have given very different statements to the public, because they must have witnessed in every village a community living as one family; an elder and a priest