afflicted by the sufferings of his august parent, who endured tortures previous to the mortification of his legs, that, in describing to the courtiers a medical consultation between Fagon, the court physician, and a rude Provençal quack, during the agony of the king, he burst into such loud and repeated fits of laughter as to be heard by a number of indifferent persons who were passing near the gallery. Madame de Maintenon was almost as tired of her attendance on him, as the Duke was glad to get rid of him; and when he breathed his last, the people openly re. turned thanks to God; and the courtiers rejoiced in being at length free from restraint."

To the decease of our late sovereign, respect forbids us to advert. But the circumstances are too recent to admit of any person having forgotten the mode in which the intelligence was received by many persons nearly connected with him; or the junketings and festivities which closely followed his obsequies. A page was added to history by the chronicles of Windsor Castle during the month of July 1830, which ought not to be among the least instructive of its oracles.

ADDRESS ON SLAVERY, SABBATH PROTECTION, AND CHURCH REFORM.

BY JAMES DOUGLAS, ESQ. OF CAVERS.*

THESE subjects form the matter of a pamphlet written by one of the few men whose moral influence we should like to see illimitably extended over the mass of society; one of those in whom exalted piety and a pure philosophy are made subservient to the cause of ALL GOOD-to justice, humanity, and true religion. We agree with the author in so much of what he has advanced, that it is scarce worth while to notice where we differ from him. His opinions on the effect of Poor Laws, at least as Poor Laws exist in England, are abstractly and theoretically just; and it is almost superfluous to point out that, in our present vitiated state of society, it is as impossible to legislate upon the unmixed principles of political wisdom, as for a skilful physician to compel a patient, whose constitution is worn and debilitated by riot and excess, to return all at once to the simple and wholesome nutriment of his childhood. Mr. Douglass's opinions on Slavery are no secret. He is not a gradual Emancipationist; which, if it mean any thing, means, in a few words, "Delay justice as long as possible; that as the Chapter of Accidents turns up, we may have another chance of defeating it altogether." Our first extract shall be this eloquent "Vindication of the ways of God to man."

"The West Indies are an example that the laws of God are never neglected with impunity, and that no lasting prosperity can be based upon injustice and human misery. Whether we look to the wretched slaves; the bankrupt planters; or their creditors, the merchants, who lend out their money upon usury, in vain sought to be wrung out of the tears and blood of wretched men; or to that portion of the British Army, which, to the disgrace of this country, forms the only solid support of a system as impolitic as it is unjust,—we everywhere behold the curse of an avenging God pressing heavily upon the abettors of this slavish tyranny, which is without its equal in atrocity either in ancient or modern times. The command of God to the parents of the human race, to replenish the earth and possess it, which has overcome all other preventive checks to population, disease, misery, and vice, is yet found too weak to resist the overwhelming evils of Colonial Slavery. The ill-gotten treasure of the planter is his gang of slaves, and these slaves are perishing under the lash of their

Adam Black, Edinburgh; Longman & Co., London.

short-sighted oppressors. While the West Indies are dispeopling of their inhabitants, their fertile soil itself is stricken with an increasing barrenness,-the necessary effect of slave cultivation. Britain, in addition to a new load of guilt, has a new load of taxes, in the shape of bounties and preferences, to the inhumanity and folly of employing slave instead of free labour; and its commerce is restricted, and its workmen unemployed, in order that the planters may continue to extort labour by the cartwhip, instead of paying the labourer his justly merited wages. If there is a spot in existence (except the regions of eternal punishment) where all things are contrary to the mind and laws of God, we must certainly find it in the West Indies, where property is robbery; labour, tyrannous exaction, law, merciless oppression; governors, murderers and men-stealers; and where all things are conducted, not according to the maxims of a wise and holy Being, but according to the devices of the enemy of human happiness, the envier, in his own abyss of misery, of all prosperity; and who, in the triumph of evil over good in the West Indies, glories that he has still unlimited power in one corner of the world, though even there, while one well-wisher to humanity remains on earth, neither he nor his adherents can hope any longer to keep his goods in peace.""

The most interesting section of Mr. Douglas's pamphlet, at the present moment, is that which treats of SABBATH PROTECTION, one of the most delicate and difficult subjects of legislation. No friend of his species can wish to see the Sabbath abolished. Even as a civil institution, the blessings with which it is fraught are incalculable. It is emphatically « The poor man's day." Instead of wishing to see the DAY OF REST curtailed or abolished, an enlightened philanthropist would, in the progress of society, rejoice in the hope that the human race may redeem more time from the labour necessary to the mere supply of their physical wants, to set apart for the comprehensive exercises of devotion, and the cultivation of their moral and intellectual powers. There is therefore, we apprehend, little or no real difference of opinion on this point. The jealousy of legislative interference arises solely from the evidently unequal application of any law for the protection of the Sabbath to the rich and the poor; and from the certainty that its penalties must fall entirely upon the latter class. This is a wholesome jealousy; but if we accept Mr. Douglas's interpretation of the object of inquiry,-" that it is not to inquire whether men are to be merry or not; but whether or not they are to be worked to death ;" the question is much narrowed, placed upon a fair footing, and one deserving the attention of those who, under a mistaken view, have been loudest in opposition. To enable such persons to revise their opinions, we would recommend the perusal of this pamphlet. They may already give the author, and those who go along with him, credit for good intentions; but the extract we subjoin claims the much higher merit of enlightened benevolence.

"But the rest of the seventh day is not only admirably adapted to the constitution of the human mind, but is necessarily required by the exigencies of an advancing period of society. In the early ages, men have abundance of holidays. The pastoral life, during fine weather, is of itself one holiday; but the more society advances, and population is increased, the heavier would the original doom of labour fall upon man, except some benevolent and positive institution interfered to alleviate the primeval curse. There is a rapid declivity in human affairs to evil and to misery, when the supply of labour begins greatly to exceed the demand for it. This is the condition of old states, and long and thickly inhabited countries, under those institutions which Christianity has introduced or fostered; the Old World did not labour to the same extent under the evils of over-population. Slavery was the disease of ancient times,-over-population of recent ages. We have given freedom to the mass of mankind, but have not given to them that which would make freedom in all things profitable,— Universal Education. When the remuneration of labour begins to fall, it sinks rapidly. The evil reproduces and multiplies itself,-men receiving less wages, and willing to give more time, are ready to bring more labour into a market which is already overstocked. It is a great gain to humanity that they should be forbidden, both by religion and by the State, to bring the seventh portion of their labour also into the

market, and thus increase the glut to the uttermost. It is a mercy to the workmen that they cannot work uninterruptedly during the twenty-four hours, otherwise manufacturers, without the aid of Circe's wand, would be transformed into beasts of burden, or, still lower, into mere machines, in perpetual motion; where the incessant activity of the body would leave the mind for ever unexerted, in a state of prolonged childhood, or in the neighbourhood of idiocy itself. But the body's natural need of rest prevents this extreme point from ever being reached, though, alas! in our own country, we see how possible it is to allow little to the wants of the body, and nothing to the requirements of the mind; and how a nation, with the highest maxims of liberty, and the loftiest sentiments of personal independence, may yet be bringing back the mass of its community, at once by its neglect of education, and by the over-care of its provisional enactments, to a state, in some respects, little superior to slavery itself.

"The Sabbath, then, is not only a religious duty, but a civil privilege,—the greatest privilege which the majority of our nation possess ;—a privilege without which all other privileges would be vain;-for, at this moment, it is the great barrier against the degradation of the race; a reserve, in spite of themselves, of the liberty of the com. munity, which, if left unbefriended by the Legislature, pressed as they are by the approach of famine, and beset by every form of misery, they would be too apt to barter away; though they would not obtain for it even the bribe that wrought upon Esau,an additional mess of pottage; since the more labour that is brought into the market, the harder are the conditions on which it will be purchased.

"It is from the want of attending to this distinction, that the Sabbath is both a religious duty and a civil privilege, that most of the objections against Sabbath protection proceed. As far as it is a religious duty, it must be enforced by the Pulpit, and not by the Laws. Religion is a voluntary and reasonable service; men cannot be compelled by human enactments to give their hearts unto God, and to live to the great ends of their being; all that can be done, is to propose right motives for this voluntary surrender of their homage to the King of kings. When the State interferes in matters of religion, its interposition is both awkward and ineffectual. In such matters, we neither desire nor require its aid. But the Sabbath is a civil privilege, and so far is the proper object of State protection. It is simply for the maintenance of this privilege that the present petition prays.

"If the constitution of Britain were to be judged by the condition of the workingclasses who sit under its shadow, and who are supposed to enjoy its privileges, the verdict that would be passed upon it would be any thing but favourable. The operatives of Britain are fast sinking into a condition where they cannot exist without misery to themselves, and without danger to those around them. This prospective danger, however, may be considered as a public advantage; it is in vain to represent the miserable condition of any number of individuals to the ruling powers, their attention is too much taken up with more engrossing subjects, unless it can be shewn that the calamity of others will at last affect themselves. An immense multitude of human creatures who have little to fear, as far as this world is concerned, because their condition has nearly reached the lowest point of depression; and who, unless the sympathies of their rulers and their fellow-subjects are awakened towards them, have little to hope for, except some great convulsion of society, which shall entirely reverse the present order of things, is an element of future and increasing danger in the composition of our society, which might give the most inconsiderate a thoughtful pause, and the boldest some moments of uneasy meditation."

The concluding part of this pamphlet (may we not call it epistle?) is dedicated to a question which is at present making fast head in Scotland -CHURCH REFORM. Mr. Douglas notices all our different grades and shades of Church Reformers in introducing what he calls " a Petition of Inquiry." The desertion of the wealth of Scotland to the fashionables, the Episcopalian Church; and the "the solitude" which, from this and other causes, prevails in many churches, Mr. Douglas notes as a portentous sign. The remedy appears to him,—giving the people a voice in the choice of their ministers; but there is such discordance of opinion on this subject, that the petition in which he coincided was limited to inquiry. Mr. Douglas says, that "it would almost surpass belief, that a Protestant clergyman, subsisting on the residue of Popish benefices, could hesitate for a moment to admit that church property is public property." But such things do come forth every day-not to astonish us.

HERRERA, EL DIVINO.

No. II.

"El docto Herrera vinò,
Uamado de aquel Evo,
Non menos que divino

Atributo de Apolo a Espana unevo."

LOPE DE VEGA.Laurel de Apolo.

HAVING, in a former paper, rapidly examined Herrera's minor works, we now proceed, although with no little anxiety, to exhibit some outline of the noble compositions which, in our deliberate judgment, entitle him to one of the first places amongst lyrical poets. We have already, in a few words, enumerated the qualities, in virtue of which we assign to his canciones eroicos the palm of superiority to all similar productions. It will have been observed, that we do not compare them with Pindar's fiery dithyrambics, or with the masculine and graceful odes of Horace. From each of these great masters, Herrera has, indeed, appropriated many beauties; still his manner widely differs from theirs. He combines, as we have previously remarked, their vivid transitions, the pomp and variety of the classical imagery, with that more diffuse melody and tone of sentiment which the Troubadour spirit gave, on the revival of letters, to the Italian canzone. Thus, from the mingled hårmonies of two great modes of poetry, he was the first to compose a third; which, for grave and exalted subjects, has been adopted by most of his successors. With these alone can he be justly compared ; and we repeat, that no succeeding poet has equalled him in some of the rarest properties of his art.

For the task of celebrating lofty actions, of hymning great victories, or uplifting strains of powerful lamentation over fallen empires, the solemn and ardent temper of Herrera's mind, his love for the gorgeous and uncommon, and his familiar access to the treasures of antique learning, rendered him peculiarly well-fitted. But circumstances also contributed to qualify him for this high ministry, with such combination and energy as rarely meet in the aptest temperament. Herrera was a Spaniard. To the grave and haughty character of his countrymen, nurtured by their long and chivalrous warfare, as champions of Christianity and national independence, with the Saracens ; to this character, which tinges the lightest utterances of the Castilian muse, was now added the pride of undisputed pre-eminence over all the nations of Europe; a pride whereof we may conceive the early power, on observing how pertinaciously, even to the present day, it has survived the decay of all that authorized its former claims. Expressions and modes of thought, which, in our times, might appear inflated or extravagant, were, to a Spaniard of the era of Charles V.,* no more than the literal truth. It was an era marked by great and exciting events, and abounding in picturesque details of life and character. Society was even then passing from the disturbed reign of violence to the comparative repose of legal union; and retained a strong cast of its former rudeness, and of the splendid disorders inherited from the chivalrous and feudal times. In

We prefer giving him the imperial title, by which he is best known.

VOL. III.NO. XIII.

C

Spain, the recent subjugation of the Moors, and the posture of that kingdom as the bulwark and right hand of Christendom, tended to give a peculiar and decided bent to the national character, at a time when Europe stood watching with dismay the rapid advances of the Turkish power. Thus, to the expansion of mind, borrowed from the contemplation of colossal events; to the culture won from the masters of profane learning; to the dignity conferred by the proud title of Spaniard-another elevating impulse united itself, and raised Herrera to the vocation of a Christian poet. To this eminent feature of his calling, the mention whereof we have designedly postponed until now, much of the peculiar novelty and splendour of Herrera's odes is attributable. He felt that, for the commemoration of struggles with, or triumphs over the Infidels, he might seek a fountain of inspiration purer than the Helicon of classical song. In his finest strains of rejoicing or lament, he has taken for his guide the splendid poetry of the sacred writings, and has reproduced their tones of denunciation or triumph with unequalled felicity, inferior in elevation to the sublime originals alone. The sonorous flow of the Spanish language, and the oriental character pervading its forms of thought and expression, render it a peculiarly fit vehicle for this imposing style; in the adoption of which no poet of later times has approached the majestic solemnity of our author.

The question, how shall we best succeed in the attempt to exhibit these master-pieces of Herrera's graves camœnæ, has been weighed, not without embarassment. After some hesitation, we have decided to present his second Ode on the Victory of Lepanto,* the finest, perhaps, of the three composed on this celebrated occasion, entire. We offer no apology for the length the translation occupies. To display in fragments a work of art, the completeness of which, as a whole, forms one of its rare beauties, would have been unjust to the poet, and, we trust, undesired by our readers.

But first, let us endeavour to transport ourselves, for a moment, to the period at which Herrera sang; for without a full regard to the import and circumstances of the event he was to celebrate, we shall form no just opinion of his desert, nor even attain to a clear intelligence of his meaning.

Throughout the sixteenth century, the Turkish empire, the name whereof was then a sound as terrible as it is now contemned, seemed marching on to universal conquest, over the crumbling barriers of Catholic Europe. The fall of Moldavia in 1514, of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt in 1517, before Selim I., were almost forgotten in the terror caused by his successor, Suliman II.; who, from the victorious siege of Belgrade,† pressed forwards, unresisted, into the imperial states, and pitched his tents, in 1529, at the very gates of Vienna. In 1540, the battle of Mohaez, in which Louis lost his kingdom and his life, virtually added Hungary to the Mahomedan conquests. In the south, their inroads had

Few will require to be reminded, that this naval victory, which succeeded, but did not repair the disastrous war of Cyprus, was won by the fleets of Spain, Venice, and the Papal See, over the Turkish armament, off Lepanto, on the 8th October, 1571. The Christian forces were commanded in chief by Don John of Austria, a natural son of Charles V. They were inferior in numbers to the enemy, but their success was decisive. The Turkish admiral was taken prisoner, and 5000 Christian captives freed from the Ottoman gallies.

+ In 1521.