another, and every year altered and amended in the frame thereof, till at last it came to that model in which it was committed to the press, as many living creatures do lick their young ones, till they bring them to their strength of limbs."

The attention of the reader is particularly requested to the extracts (in pages xxviii and xxix of preface to vol. i.) and the observations upon universities in the Filum Labyrinthi, and in the Novum Organum.

"Lost, likewise," says Tennison, "is a book which he wrote in his youth, he called it (Temporis Partus Maximus) the Greatest Birth of Time: or rather, Temporis Partus Masculus, the Masculine Birth of Time. For so Gruter found it called in some of the papers of Sir William Boswel. This was a kind of embrio of the Instauration and the fragment, lately retrieved, and now first published. But this loss is the less to be lamented, because it is made up with advantage, in the second and better thoughts of the author, in the two first parts of his Instauration."

Mr. Mallet, speaking of this treatise, is pleased to deliver himself thus: "Though the piece itself is lost, it appears to have been the first outlines of that amazing design, which he afterwards filled up and finished, in his grand Instauration of the Sciences. As there is not a more amusing, perhaps a more useful speculation, than that of tracing the history of the human mind, if I may so express myself, in its progression from truth to truth, and from discovery to discovery; the intelligent reader would, doubtless, have been pleased, to see in the tract I have been speaking of, by what steps and gradations, a spirit like Bacon's advanced in new and universal theory."

But here seems to lie the difficulty: some writers who have reviewed the scattered works and fragments of Lord Bacon have, with great labour and industry, endeavoured to bring in this treatise, otherwise styled Of the Interpretation of Nature, as a part of that great body of philosophy which he had framed; whereas our author himself, speaking of this treatise, tells us, as the reader may see above, that it was not a part or portion of his great structure of philosophy, but the first sketch or rough draught of the whole. Now I conceive, that whoever looks into these fragments of the book on the Interpretation of Nature, as they stand in the works of our author, and shall afterwards compare them with the beginning of his Instauration, will not need many arguments to persuade him, that this conjecture is founded in truth, and that there is as much reason to conceive that the great work, just mentioned, rose out of the Temporis Partus Masculus, as that the Novum Organum sprung from another of the fragments which accompanies this, and is commonly called his Cogitata et Visa. If the reader would be told what is the issue, what the advantage of this laboured inquiry, he will surely be satisfied with this answer; that by drawing these fragments of the Interpretation of Nature into a good light, it appears, that what the honest and candid Tennison thought so fine a sight, the generation of Lord Bacon's philosophy from the egg, is still in our power; and what the ingenious and instructive Mr. Mallet most truly observes, the ability of reviewing and tracing the author's steps from one discovery in science to another, is yet in a great measure with us; which, to such as rightly apprehend Lord Bacon's worth, and have a just conception of the value of his writings, will appear somewhat of considerable consequence. I am satisfied, that in matters of this nature there is no absolute certainty, and that in the depths of Lord Bacon's knowledge, a man of ordinary talents may be very easily lost; but I own at the same time, the thing struck me so strongly, that I could not help putting it down, yet with all imaginable submission to the reader, to whose service, as I dedicate my labours, I hope (should it be found so) he will the more easily pardon my mistake. There are, however, a few circumstances more, to which I must desire the reader's attention, and then he will have a just notion of Mr. Bacon's frame of mind. While at Gray's Inn, he was eagerly engaged in the study and pursuit of his new philosophy, the whole scheme of which he had already formed. It was to this he applied his thoughts, and this was the great object of his ambition. If he desired or laboured for preferment in civil life, it was but with a view to gain thereby the means of

improving and accomplishing his system; for he made even the most shining transactions of his life, but subservient thereto. In a word, the introducing this new method of attaining wisdom was his ruling passion, and his great spring of action through life. It quickened him in the pursuit of employments; it consoled him when he met disappointments in that pursuit; it filled up (most agreeably) his few leisure moments when in the zenith of his grandeur; it softened his fall, by proposing a new road to fame and esteem, in which he was in no danger of being either imposed on by one set of men, or sacrificed to the interests of another. Thus, this was always, and in all conjunctures, his leading object, of which he never lost sight; and as we have already had a train of evidence sufficient to convince us, that he conceived something of this kind when he was but sixteen, and brought it into some form by that time he was twenty-six; so the remainder of this article will show how warmly he prosecuted this point till death overtook him on the road, when his mind was wholly occupied with these speculations. Biog. Brit.

K. Life, p. xi.

His observations on universities will be found in the beginning of the second part of the Advancement of Learning. The following analysis will exhibit an outline of this tract. After having observed upon libraries, and upon the teachers, he proceeds to the defects, which he thus enumerates :

FIRST DEFECT. Colleges are all dedicated to professions.

If men judge that learning should be referred to action, they judge well; but in this they fall into the error described in the ancient fable, in which the other parts of the body did suppose the stomach had been idle, because it neither performed the office of motion, as the limbs do, nor of sense, as the head doth; but yet, notwithstanding, it is the stomach that digesteth and distributeth to all the rest: so if any man think philosophy and universality to be idle studies, he doth not consider that all professions are from thence served and supplied. And this I take to be a great cause that hath hindered the progression of learning, because these fundamental knowledges have been studied but in passage. For if you will have a tree bear more fruit than it hath used to do, it is not any thing you can do to the boughs, but it is the stirring of the earth, and putting new mould about the roots, that must work it.

It is injurious to government that there is not any collegiate education for

statesmen.

SECOND DEFECT. The salaries of lecturers are too small.

If you will have sciences flourish, you must observe David's military law, which was, "That those which stay with the carriage should have equal part with those which were in the action."

THIRD DEFECT. There are not sufficient funds for providing models, instruments, experiments, &c.

FOURTH DEFECT. There is a neglect in the governors of consultation, and in superiors of visitation, as to the propriety of continuing or amending the established courses of study.

1. Scholars study too soon logic and rhetoric.

For minds empty and unfraught with matter, and which have not gathered that which Cicero calleth " Sylva" and "supellex," stuff and variety, to begin with those arts, (as if one should learn to weigh, or to measure, or to paint the wind), doth work but this effect, that the wisdom of those arts, which is great and universal, is almost made contemptible, and is degenerate into childish sophistry and ridiculous affectation. (See Milton's Treatise on Education.)

2. There is too great a divorce between invention and memory.

FIFTH DEFECT. versities.

SIXTH DEFECT.

There is a want of mutual intelligence between different uni

There is a want of proper rewards for enquiries in new and unlaboured parts of learning.

The opinion of plenty is amongst the causes of want, and the great quantity of books maketh a shew rather of superfluity than lack: which surcharge, nevertheless, is not to be remedied by making no more books but by making more good books, which, as the serpent of Moses, might devour the serpents of the enchanters.

Of the importance of general knowledge and general education, Bacon is constant in his admonitions. In the entrance of philosophy he says, "Because the partition of sciences are not like several lines that meet in one angle; but rather like branches of trees that meet in one stem, which stem for some dimension and space is entire and continued, before it break, and part itself into arms and boughs; therefore the nature of the subject requires, before we pursue the parts of the former distribution, to erect and constitute one universal science, which may be the mother of the rest; and that in the progress of sciences, a portion, as it were, of the common highway may be kept, before we come where the ways part and divide themselves."

The evil which results from want of fixed principles in legislation may be seen in any discussion upon improvement of the law, when it cannot escape notice how few fixed principles pervade society upon important questions in legislation. There is, I may venture to say, scarcely any subject of law, upon the principles of which any two eminent lawyers entertain the same sentiments. Mention, for instance, in a company of lawyers, imprisonment for debt, or usury, or capital punishment, and you will instantly discover the want of fixed principles. One will talk of the injured creditor, another of the oppressed debtor; one of the necessity of this power in creditors for the sake of commerce; another that the counting-house has no alliance with the jail. So too there has been, for centuries, great conflict of opinion upon the efficacy of severe punishment, as there was, for centuries, upon imprisonment for debt. So too upon commercial laws; all proving the truth of Bacon's account of one of the signs of false philosophy, "We must not omit that other sign, namely, the great disagreement among the ancient philosophers and the differences of their schools, which sufficiently shows that their way, from the sense to the understanding, was not well guarded; whilst one and the same subject of philosophy, the nature of things, was rent and split into so many and such wild errors: and although at present the dissensions and disagreements of opinions, as to first principles and entire philosophies, are in a manner extinct, yet such innumerable questions and controversies still remain among us, as make it plainly appear that there is nothing fixed and stable, either in our present philosophy or the manner of our demonstrations."

M. Life, p. xiii.

Extract from Lord Bacon's will. And because I conceive there will be upon the moneys raised by sale of my lands, leases, goods and chattels, a good round surplusage, over and above that which may serve to satisfy my debts and legacies, and perform my will; I do devise and declare, that my executors shall employ the said surplusage in manner and form following; that is to say, that they purchase therewith so much land of inheritance, as may erect and endow two lectures in either the universities, one of which lectures shall be of natural philosophy; and the science in general thereunto belonging; hoping that the stipends or salaries of the lecturers may amount to two hundred pounds a year for either of them; and for the ordering of the said lectures, and the election of the lecturers from time to time, I leave it to the care of my executors, to be established by the advice of the lords bishops of Lincoln and

Coventry. Nevertheless thus much I do direct that none shall be lecturer (if he be English) except he be master of arts of seven years standing, and that he be not professed, in divinity, law, or physic, as long as he remains lecturer; and that it be without difference whether (he) be a stranger or English; and I wish my executors to consider of the precedent of Sir Henry Savil's lectures for their better instruction.

William Bagwell, in a preface to his Mystery of Astronomy, 1655, tells the reader that he had long wished for an opportunity to deposit his work in some university or college, and that he found none so acceptable as the erection of Sir Francis Bacon's college, intended to be established in Lambeth Marsh, near London, a worthy institution for the advancement of learning. See a catalogue of royal and noble authors, I think by Walpole, continued by T. Park, article Bacon. It is possible that this may have been an attempt by Bushel, his admirer, who, if I mistake not, died in Lambeth Marsh.

N.-New Atlantis. Life, p. xvi.

The first edition of the new Atlantis was published, in folio, in 1627, at the conclusion of the first edition of the Sylva Sylvarum, of which there were eleven editions between the years 1627 and 1676, and in each of these editions, the new Atlantis will be found. It will be found in vol. ii. of this edition, p. 323. The following is the preface:

TO THE READER.

"This fable my lord devised, to the end that hee might exhibite therein, a modell or description of a college, instituted for the interpreting of nature, and the producing of great and marvellous works for the benefit of men; under the name of Salomons House, or the College of the Six Dayes Works. And even

so farre his lordship hath proceeded, as to finish that part. Certainly, the modell is more vast and high than can possibly be imitated in all things; notwithstanding most things therin are within mens power to effect. His lordship thought also in this present fable, to have composed a frame of lawes, or of the best state or mould of a commonwealth; but foreseeing it would be a long worke, his desire of collecting the naturall historie diverted him, which he preferred many degrees before it. This worke of the new Atlantis, (as much as concerneth the English edition) his lordship designed for this place; in regard it hath so neere affinitie (in one part of it) with the preceding naturall historie." W. RAWLEY.

Tennison, speaking of the new Atlantis, says, "Neither do we, here, unfitly place the Fable of the New Atlantis: for it is the model of a college to be instituted by some king who philosophizeth, for the interpreting of nature and the improving of arts. His lordship did (it seems) think of finishing this fable, by adding to it a frame of laws, or a kind of Utopian commonwealth; but he was diverted by his desire of collecting the natural history which was first in his esteem."

There is a copy of the New Atlantis in Bushel's Abridgment, the following is the title page: New Atlantis, a Work unfinished. Written by the Right Honourable Francis, Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Alban. London, printed by Thomas Newcomb, 1659.

Of the New Atlantis there have been various translations. It was translated into French in 1631. It is in 8vo. There is a copy in the British Museum; the title is as follows: L'Atlas Nouveau, De Messire Francois Bacon, Baron de Verulam, Vicomte de S. Alban, et Chancelier d'Angleterre.

Histoire Naturelle de Mre. Francois Bacon, Baron de Verulam, Vicomte de Sainct Alban, et Chancelier d'Angleterre. A Paris, chez Antoine de Sommaville et Andre Sovbron, associez, au Palais dans la petite Salie. M.DC.XXXI. Avec Privilege du Roy.

There is another French edition in 1702: La Nouvelle Atlantide de Francois Bacon, etc. Par M. R. A Paris, chez Jean Musier, etc. M.DCC.II.

It was translated into Latin in 1633: Novus Atlas, opus imperfectum Latine

conscriptum ab Illustri viro Francisco Bacone, de Verulamio, etc. Cum Præfatione W. Rawley. Of this edition Tennison says, "This fable of the New Atlantis in the Latin edition of it, and in the Frankfort collection, goeth under the false and absurd title of Novus Atlas: as if his lordship had alluded to a person, or a mountain, and not to a great island, which according to Plato perished in the ocean.'

It was translated into Latin by Rawley, and published by him in folio, in the year 1638, in his volume containing many other tracts. The following is the title: Nova Atlantis Fragmentorum alterum. Per Franciscum Baconum, Baronem de Verulamio, Vice-Comitem S. Albani. Londini, Typis Ioh. Haviland. Prostant ad Insignia Regia in Cameterio D. Pauli, apud Iocosam Norton et Richardum Whitakerum, 1638.

There are some works connected with the New Atlantis which ought to be noticed. In the year 1660 a work was published, of which the following is the title: New Atlantis begun by the Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Albans: and continued by R. H. Esquire. Wherein is set forth a Platform of Monarchial Government, with a pleasant intermixture of divers rare Inventions, and wholsom Customs, fit to be introduced into all Kingdoms, States, and Common-Wealths. Nunquam Libertas gratior extat quam sub Rege pio. London, printed for John Crooke, at the Signe of the Ship in St. Paul's Church Yard, 1660.

Of this work Tennison says, "This Supplement has been lately made by another hand: * a great and hardy adventure, to finish a piece after the Lord Verulam's pencil."

In the year 1676 a work was published, of which the following is the titlepage: Essays on several important Subjects in Philosophy and Religion. By Joseph Glanvill, Chaplain in Ordinary to His Majesty, and Fellow of the R. Š. Imprimatur, Martii 27, 1675, Thomas Tomkins. London, printed by J. D. for John Baker, at the Three Pidgeons, and Henry Mortlock, at the Phænia, in St. Paul's Church Yard, 1676.

The last essay in this volume is thus entitled: Anti-fanatical Religion and Free Philosophy, in a continuation of the New Atlantis, Essay VII. And the title opens thus, Essay VII. The Summe of my Lord Bacon's New Atlantis.

0.

After he had passed the circle of the liberal arts, his father thought fit to frame and mould him for the arts of state; and for that end sent him over into France, with Sir Amyas Paulet, then employed Ambassadour Lieger into France; by whom he was, after a while, held fit to be entrusted with some message or advertisement to the Queen; which having performed with great approbation, he returned back into France again, with intention to continue for some years there. Rawley.

That he was sent to France when he was sixteen appears from the following fact. Sir Amias Paulet was sent ambassador to France in September, 1576. He was succeeded by Sir Edward Stafford, in December, 1578.

Extract from a letter, dated June 22, 1577. "One year is already spent since my departure from you, and yet one year more, and then I will begin to hearken for a successor." To Mr. Nicholas Wadham.

In a letter to the lord keeper, dated September, 1577: "This quiet time doth give me no occasion to trouble your lordship with long letters; only I must tell you, that I rejoice much to see that your son, my companion, hath, by the grace of God, passed the brunt and peril of this journey: whereof I am the more glad, because, in the beginning of these last troubles, it pleased your lordship to refer his continuance with me to my consideration. I thank God these dangers are past, and your son is safe, sound, and in good health, and worthy of your fatherly favour. And thus, &c. (a)

See R. H. conten. of N. Atlantis, Octo. Lon. 1660. (a) See Blackburn, vol. i.