BOOK II. byterians, but quite as strongly by Independents and Baptists. The truth is, we have evidence enough to show, that Clarendon, and the men most in his confidence, were intent, at this juncture, upon stimulating the unwary into disorder by means of spies, that so the needed pretext, in support of the intended severities, might not be wanting. The only signs of a tendency towards disturbance before the passing of the Act of Uniformity, if we except the Venner affair, were such as had been fabricated by this sinister policy on the part of the government. It is important to bear these statements concerning dates in mind, if our praise or blame in relation to these proceedings is to be justly distributed. CHAPTER IV. Concessions by the King-The Declaration from Worcester House. HE king was not satisfied with the course taken by the prelates. At this stage of the proceedings his majesty interposed, and took upon himself the responsibility of bringing about a settlement on a more liberal basis. The motives of this policy we know only in part. Charles, no doubt, had some remembrance of his promise from Breda; and his love of ease made him desirous of seeing an end of these wearisome discussions. But it is supposed also, that little as the monarch cared about churches of any kind, his preference was with the church of Rome, and that he hoped to find a plea in the liberty granted to the Protestant Nonconformist, that might be used with success in favour of a similar liberty to the Catholic. The motives of Clarendon, and of his party, were also of a mixed description. Nothing could have been less acceptable to him than the king's intended concessions. But if the Presbyterian leaders might be seduced into conformity by such means, the defection of the CHAP. IV. becomes a church re former. BOOK II. chiefs would detract seriously from the influence of their followers. That party being weakened, and the Convention parliament, in which the Presbyterian element was formidable, being dissolved, a new house of commons, more devoted to the church, might supersede all that had been done by prerogative, by passing measures of a different complexion, which should take with them the higher authority of law. The future was to lay bare this stratagem. It was not easy to detect it at the time. The new In the Declaration which the king submitted to the consideration of the Presbyterian ministers, with a view to publication, it is easy to trace the influence of the friends of that party in the court and the cabinet. * Manchester, Broghill, Hollis, and Anglesey were among the lords in communication with the sovereign whose good offices were thus exercised. But the chancellor stood as a powerful impediment in the way of all such tendencies. The tone of the document, however, in which his majesty had resolved to speak to the nation, was much more conciliatory and hopeful than the answer from the bishops. All history shows, said the king, that the peace of the church is necessary to the peace of the state. In his letter from Breda to the Speaker of the House of Commons, his majesty had declared his steady attachment to the Protestant religion, and his hope to do much that might serve to strengthen and diffuse it. His acquaint-. ance with the churches on the continent should enable him to judge wisely concerning the interests of the church within his own dominions. In Holland, he had held many conferences with divines from this country who were leaders of opinion among the Presbyterians, *Baxter's Life, 259-264. Documents, 63-78. and he had found them loyal, religious, and moderate CHAP. IV. persons. His intention accordingly had been, to assemble a synod of learned men soon' after his return, who should so adjust matters of difference, that a law might be passed which should be in accordance with his promised liberty to tender consciences. The state of opinion, however, had not become so settled as to be favourable to the intended meeting of a synod, and it now appeared to his majesty to be expedient that, by the exercise of his best thought for the purpose, certain terms should be laid down, on which the much-desired agreement might be realized. Certain preliminaries being thus understood, action of a more formal, and of a legislative kind, might follow with safety and advantage. The king repeated his expressions of sincere adhesion to the English church, and hoped that the changes which he was prepared to sanction, in compliance with the wishes of those who were desirous of change, would only tend to strengthen the claims of that church on the affections of all his subjects. When the state was verging towards democracy, it was natural that the church should tend in the same direction; but since, by the wonderful blessing of God, the hearts of 'the whole nation were turned towards a monarchical government in the state, it must be very reasonable to support that government in the church.' But his majesty spoke of being confident that the bishops would deem the concessions which, for the sake of peace, he was about to propose, as very just and reasonable. Let the men invested with the episcopal office, said the king, be always able and pious men, who shall not only be capable of ruling well, but shall often teach; let any diocese accounted too large for a single bishop BOOK II. have its suffragan bishops; let the censures of the church be pronounced by the bishop in conjunction with the advice of the presbyters-lay chancellors being no more concerned in such proceedings; let the deans and chapters be the special assistants of the bishops in ordinations, and in the other exercises of their office; let confirmation be so regulated as to ensure Christian instruction to the young; and let the rubric before the communion be so enforced as to ensure, as far as may be, that scandalous persons shall not approach the Lord's table; let every bishop be apprized that he is not to exercise any arbitrary power, nor to impose anything on either clergy or people, which is not according to law; let there be a meeting of divines of different persuasions to make such alterations as may be thought most necessary in the Book of Common Prayer; and in the meanwhile let the cross in baptism, bowing at the name of Jesus, the use of the surplice, and the subscription required on entering upon a benefice, be left optional to those who have scruples concerning them. 'In a word,' said his majesty, we do again renew what 'we have formerly said in our Declaration from Breda, for the liberty of tender consciences;' and if any man has been molested on account of opinions which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom, it has not proceeded from any command of ours. How the Declaration was re ceived by the minis ters. When this document passed into the hands of the ministers, it was felt that gratitude was due to the king for the concessions made in regard to some obnoxious ceremonies, and for the promise of a representative synod, which should be empowered to deliberate on further revision in that respect. But one of the most exceptionable forms-kneeling at the Lord's table |