by hunting and shooting the country | from various sources, I believe myself round. He was a small-made, active man, to have carried away a very fair idea of eager and impulsive in his manner, and certain general facts. And the foremost with a certain air of camaraderie which of these seemed beyond all doubt to be became him well. Magnus was in almost the breadth and depth of unthinking Ruseverything the exact opposite. He was a sian loyalism. Everything went to show count who had gone in for iron-mining and how deep-rooted was the devotion of all manufactures, and had become a wealthy men, peasant and noble alike, to the chief man. He was rather a grand person both of Church and State. The least kind of in presence and manner, and spoke slowly, disrespect or even of levity in any matter like a responsible man who weighed his relating to the czar will put any country words. He looked somewhat cold and lad in a passion. An innocent purchaser distant, and was sometimes brusque; but was once torn to pieces at a photographin reality was a thoroughly good-hearted stall in Moscow, because some of the and most friendly man. He had travelled country folk saw him tear by accident a a good deal and read little; but trusted picture of the czar and took it into their chiefly to a shrewd, business-like intelli- heads that he meant it as an insult. It is gence, which served him well. When I perfectly true that they are very ready_to visited him, he was at Petersburg for a grumble-what peasantry is not? But visit of some weeks, on business with the grievances are always laid at the door certain of the ministers. Olga was his of the nearest master or official, and the wife. To describe her is not easy; for fixed idea remains that if only the father she was a woman impossible anywhere of his people knew the truth about all except in Russia. She was a great Si- this, he would set it right. Bakounin, berian heiress, and rumor described her perhaps the ablest man of the revolutionfather and her brothers as very erratic ary section, had some hope at first of people. She was nearly forty, but re- rousing the agricultural masses; but he tained, nevertheless, a certain curious and found it hopeless. Familiar as the Rusyouthful beauty, of a dark, almost gipsy sian peasant is with the simple and primitype. Her face betrayed a good deal tive communism of the mir, he is not both of daring and of passion, yet she was excited to subversive courses by the mere very simple and good, and even childlike idea of abolishing personal property in in her way of life, capable of most un favor of socialist arrangements. Therewearying kindness, and in her own way fore, Bakounin failed; and every preacher almost as dévote as a Parisian. Her hus- of revolution must for generations to band treated ker with an elephantine come fail also in the rural parts of Rustenderness that was sometimes quite sia. Local and particular discontents are touching; and she on her side believed in easily allayed. A scapegoat, or a vigorhim with all her might. The Graf Mi-ous colonel of the line, will always settle chael was, again, a very different person. He was a native of Esthland, where he held an immense property. By blood he was partly Swedish, and by culture chiefly German. He had been a student at the University of Dorpat, had diligently studied political economy and Landwirthschaft, and had been called away almost before his course was ended to manage the family estates, which he found in utter confusion. For twenty years he had patiently toiled at the problem, making mistakes, of course, but in the main working out the ideas he had imbibed from his professors; and the results of his labor were now beginning to be visible.

Such being my chief instructors, it may be supposed that I would hear chiefly the courtly side of the matter; and I suppose it was so. But from their account of Russian life, compared with much other information which I was able to derive

such questions. As for anything more widespread, it is almost incredible that agitations should ever communicate themselves from one district to another with any volume or rapidity. Revolution on a great scale is more difficult anywhere than it used to be, for the prima facie possession of administrative machinery gives incalculable odds in favor of the government. But in Russia, with its immense distances and its inert and helpless popu lation, a dangerous rising is impossible.

One asks, naturally, "What then is the meaning of Nihilism? How is it possible that in the midst of a profoundly loyal people there can yet exist a vast conspiracy ramifying through all ranks of society, and ready and able to go to the most terrible lengths in order to protest against this very autocracy of the czar? friends' answers were characteristic. The prosperous Magnus treated all Nihilists with infinite contempt. "They are the

My

disappointed men," said he, "who were
too impracticable or too unsteady to do
anything for themselves and therefore be-
came pessimists and wanted to re-arrange
society." My aide-de-camp, on the other
hand, explained that it was education that
did the mischief. "Every sharp-witted
boy or girl who goes to even a primary
school, and gets on a little faster than the
rest, begins to take an interest in the new
ideas. They have notions about science
and philosophy; and by-and-by, at sixteen
or so, they leave their homes and cut
themselves adrift from our effete conven-
tionalities in search of the ideal life."

bow at the proper time. In the absence of all possible religion-for the Russian orthodoxy is too entirely formal to leave the faintest traces in the mind of the apostate, and the new creed contained no terms that even tended to supply the void - these men made themselves a religion of their despair. In a kind of blending of the fashionable modern pessimism with the Comtist enthusiasm for humanity, they held themselves ready to sacrifice a valueless life for the bringing to pass of the kingdom of man. Like the maniacs of the French Terror, they were too keenly alive to existing evils to see any road out of them except by wholesale demolition. A breach with the national past had no terrors to them, for they had broken with it already. Crime was not repulsive, for the landmarks of good and evil had been swept away.

As

Both theories, no doubt, were in a way correct. Nihilism in Russia is an explosive compound, generated by the contact of the Sclav character with Western ideas. It was only in the last reign that the university system of Russia developed into any importance. It was then forced into Under a despotism, all dissent is a sean artificial activity, under the tutelage of cret society. The young men and maidsecond-rate Western professors, mostly ens, under their more experienced and young, crude, and very advanced, as was more embittered chiefs, easily formed inevitable where technical sciences were their rings and started their system of so strongly encouraged and speculative meetings and intercommunication. studies disapproved. The independent has been said, a very large proportion of tendencies of Russian women came out the conspirators were at least half-edustrongly. There are one thousand of cated: the leaven ran like wildfire through them now engaged in the higher studies the government technical colleges, and at St. Petersburg, of whom two-thirds are half the best engineers and chemists in of good birth. The result was that the St. Petersburg were bitten by the new Sclavonic youth, hitherto densely igno- disease. Nor were funds wanting. Many rant, and contented in an artificial system of the proselytes were both rich and noof society and religion, was blinded by a ble, and their wealth, and, what was more blaze of effective theories, wherein every valuable, their official positions or connecthing they had been taught to believe in tions, and their access to the palace, bewas brilliantly explained to be an anti-came so many weapons in the hands of quated absurdity. But the Sclavonic the Committee of Three. It was often youth is as impulsive when excited as it is docile in its normal state. The new ideas seemed to open up a limitless future of general reconstruction. Yet at the same time all the surrounding circumstances appeared absolutely hopeless. Not only was the official corruption and maladministration open and confessed on all hands, and seemingly so rooted in high places that no method short of the most drastic could affect it, but at the same time all free speech and all speculative inquiries were as far as possible repressed, and personal liberty was daily and hourly at the mercy of the police. Centres of crystallization were formed by individual discontents, arising often, no doubt, out of the disappointed ambition of men who had been half trained and now found no suitable career, but chiefly out of the arbitrary injustice constantly done to men either too honest to bribe, or too independent to

probably a not ignoble weariness of the barbaric and immoral luxury which corrodes so much of the noblesse, that led men and women of high position and rel atively great attainments either directly to join or quietly to sympathize with the organization. The universal corruption in all ranks of the public service was another opportunity. Even in the most vital matters the government was badly served, and the resultant distrust pro duced a ruinous paralysis. Members of the dreaded league were to be found in every public office, and it is said that the police agents who hunted the assassin were often his accomplices. The assist ance of the car-men being essential, some of them were taken in ; but this was not a very reliable method. It was better to send trusted agents into the streets as isvostchiks, and it is within my own knowledge that a Russian gentleman of

independent means (now living in Germany) has served for three years at the command of the association as a common droschke-driver in the streets of St. Petersburg. So long as such men are connected with the conspiracy, it will be very safe from the police.

idealess population. What will a constitution do for them? My aide-de-camp complained bitterly of the English preju. dice against the methods of the czar. "The Romanoffs," he said, "have never been selfish in the matter of political rights. When any reform has been shown to be practicable and for the good of their people they have never thought it a sacrifice to forego their own prerogatives. The present czar is at least as eager as his father to advance the freedom and prosperity of his children. He is perfectly ready to grant a constitution to-morrow if any one could prove that it would work. But at present it would only result in allowing the corrupt local dignitaries, whose misgovernment is at least as much against the interest of the palace as of the people, to bribe their unintelligent neighbors into sending them to Parliament. You would widen corruption wholesale, only to give the evil a new lease of power." If it was objected that in any case you would have free public criticism of the abuses of the bureaucracy, there was a ready reply. "You cannot give opportunities for reasonable and well-meaning criticism without letting loose a flood of malicious and revolutionary critics also. The Nihilists are too sharp-witted and too ubiquitous not to gain as much as any one by the new opportunities of a constitutionalism, which would never satisfy them."

But, as might be expected, the objects of this dangerous association are far from definite. Many of those in Russia who would in England be called moderate Liberals, will not hesitate to say, in safe company, that they sympathize to a large extent with the purposes of the Nihilist society. Their meaning is that they be lieve the Nihilists to aim primarily at the abolition of official corruption and the establishment of free criticism under a constitution There is no doubt that these are the proximate aims of the more statesmanlike party for there are many parties - among the revolutionists: and it is said by some that if these were conceded, they would be willing to hold their hands and allow the government a respite until the working of the constitution could be tested in practice. It is probable that if they did not adopt such a course, the society would lose a large amount of the support it now receives. But he would be a very optimistic prophet who would venture to say that even such reforms, however honestly carried through, would extinguish the Russian revolutionary party. Many, if not most, of the leading spirits have visions of a very different So much for the court side of the case. state of things, and are prepared to go on The opposition told me a different, yet at all risks, till that is realized. There perhaps hardly an inconsistent, story. are those who believe that Lord Beacons-"It was a thousand pities," they said, field's favorite horror, "the secret socie-"that the last attack on the late czar sucties," have the real control of the movement, and mean to use it in spite of all local reforms as a potent means of accelerating the general ruin of “the altar and the throne.'

ceeded. The governorship of Loris Melikoff had begun to restore confidence. He was not a brilliant man, but he was trusted. Relying not on political theories, but on common sense and mother-wit, he Such being the state of the problem, sought practical solutions for practical how does the government propose to deal questions, and always made it his first with it? Most Liberals at home seem to object, wherever he found signs of disregard the Russian court as a hopelessly content, to ascertain what the people stupid and reactionary body; but proba- wanted." He had succeeded, as my inbly few have taken the trouble to think formants averred, in getting a full constiout what should in fact be done. It is tution drawn up, and it lay in the emeasy to say "Give them a constitution; "peror's desk, ready for signing. It was but it must be remembered that probably not perhaps a final settlement, nor anyat no time within historic memory was our thing like it; but it would have gone far own land so unfit for constitutional gov- to rally the support of all well-meaning ernment as Russia is now. Amidst an men, however theoretically extreme, to all-prevalent official corruption, they have the side of law and order. The czar was to reckon with a noblesse morally effete hesitating, and he could not have held out and every way unreliable, with a Church very long. But the assassination, with all barren of all spirituality, and with an in-its horrible details, introduced the new accessible territory half peopled by an factor of revenge. Yet even then the new

1

czar hesitated. The party of Melikoff | well known, and are probably not much
still pressed for the same great step. It exaggerated. The czar is practically a
was thought in ministerial circles that prisoner in one of two or three easily
Alexander III. was on the point of sign- guarded castles. New plots are known
ing, when the influence of some reaction- to be afoot, and many arrests have been
aries in the innermost circles of the palace, made of which, of course, as little as pos-
and notably of the emperor's quondam sible is said. The czar is not a coward,
tutor, produced an unexpected reaction. and is distinctly obstinate. There are no
Suddenly, the able and single-minded signs that the more Liberal statesmen are
fanatic who rules the world of Moscow, at all likely to return to power. The
the veteran journalist Katkoff, obtained Moscow party is in full command, and
an audience. He is understood to have reaction is the order of the day. Such is
explained to the father of his people, that the tale, as it was told to me, and I have
"Russia ""
was in no mind to be terror- good reason to believe that it is in the
ized or bullied into concession. If these main true. It will be seen that my in-
thing were needful, let them be considered formants regarded the matter entirely as
quietly and granted at some more peace- a question of constitution or no constitu-
ful time, out of the pure bounty and un- tion. That was no doubt the point about
biased forethought of.the czar. In the which the critical negotiations turned;
mean time, "Russia" was indignant that but I do not think it was or is the vital
her loyalty should be doubted. Let him issue.
therefore trust "Russia," and appeal to Putting the suggestions of the court
the national traditions. A vigorous reas- party and the opposition together, and
sertion of the ancient and vital principle trying to arrive at a result, one is tempted
of Russian society, and sacred autocracy at first to say that such a state of things
of a paternal ruler, was the necessity of is altogether hopeless. But this would
the hour. If this were neglected, the in- be a great exaggeration. The services
sidious poison of foreign ideas would soon and the business of the country go on,
undermine all that remained of Sclavonic not well indeed, but fairly. Russia,'
nationalism, and the empire would he as one of my easy-going friends said to
wrecked among the quicksands of Ger- me, while we sipped our coffee after an
man scepticism, French social disintegra- excellent dinner on the Nevski, "Russia
tion, and English political economy. The is a very pleasant place to live in after
prophet of a Pan-Sclavonic reaction pre- all." The people are in many ways like
vailed. Without sending for a single
minister, the czar locked his draft consti-
tution out of sight, and published next
morning the famous "personal rule" proc-
lamation, which astonished the world of
St. Petersburg as much as it astonished
the European public. From that hour
the party and policy of Loris Melikoff
passed out of account. The infamous
Third Section was revived, and the police
regulations, always strict, became as much
stricter as it seemed practicable to make
them. Finally, by the month of Septem-
ber, this new despotism seemed to be
fully organized, and a new proclamation
was issued by which it was indicated that
these things were to be henceforth not
exceptional measures, but the ordinary
law of Russia. Upon this, the Council of
Three met somewhere and resolved that
as there was now no further hope of the
czar coming to his senses, his Majesty
and his minister Ignatieff must be con-
demned to death. The court was duly
apprized of this resolution, and from that
date the panic, already great, has been
almost ludicrous within the palace. The
rumors of the czarina's state of mind are

kindly children. Most of them care for none of these things. The horror of an assassination, real as it is for the time, passes over swiftly. Lady Olga returned one day from a round of visits to tell us a very terrible story: how a young widow lady, one of her intimate friends, had just been carried off to a common gaol, and kept there for a week amidst disgusting filthiness, and under the most degrading prison regulations, merely because one of the recently arrested students had falsely represented, years ago, that she was his aunt. Her child of five she had been forced to leave unattended in her rooms. She was not allowed to communicate with any of her friends, and even her landlady was so afraid of the whole matter that she professed to any who called that she did not know where or why the lady had gone. The narrator told this story with sympathetic horror and detail. When she had finished, an Englishman present exclaimed, in indignation, "What a barbarous country it must be where such tyranny is tolerated for a day." But our hostess reproved him with a dignified surprise at his impatience. "When such

barbarities have happened as the brutal | sesses and collects its own taxes. The murder of our sainted czar, little incon- populous and prosperous districts of the veniences like this are not to be wondered north-west have retained a very considat. I pity my friend, but I would not change the system."