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fung her arms tightly round him, dragging thinks of Phil, she says : Ah, Phil, my him under.

darling, which were you I wonder ? The weight drew him down - down saint or fool ?" down. It was a hole — and it was very deep.

There is no need to wonder - I know. He struggled bravely, but the child lay Don't you? MARY S. HANCOCK. heavily in his arms. She was a dead weight, for her thirteen or fourteen years, and to let her go was not in Phil's mind. He had jumped in to save her - he would save her - or die – in the attempt.

From The Nineteenth Century. Oh, God! Was this death? — Was

THE VERDICT OF ENGLAND. he dying ? — this strange numbness “ROMA LOCUTA EST.” If my somestrange callousness — that held him. what hazy and remote classical recollecThere were long weeds there – they tions serve me aright, the meaning of this wrapped him in their cruel folds -over- phrase was that when the populus Roover – over — they curled and wreathed. manus had given its decision there was Was this was this death ?

no more to be said. It is so, at any rate, He had just resolved to live - to be a with us. The constituencies have spoken, man for her sake. Was he to go now - and there is an end of the matter. I have to leave all — thus? He had resolved to no intention, therefore, of entering into be a man, yet this was death — this was elaborate arguments to show that the result the end.

of our appeal to the electorate of the Strange, he felt no fear, no terror. He United Kingdom ought by rights to have hardly thought of Constance. As in a been other than it has been. It is with glass, darkly, he saw her pictured for a the future, not with the past, that I am moment; as in a passing glance, then, his concerned; and I have no desire to fight thoughts swept on, leaving her.

over again the battle that we Unionists He was nearing Eternity.

have fought — and lost. But in order to After all his hair-breadth escapes by point out what I conceive to be the duty land and on sea,

was nearing It now, in and the interest of the Unionist party in his own waters. In sight of his own the time to come, it is essential first of all home.

to explain what in my judgment the ver. Strange fate truly — and yet, it was re- dict of the constituencies means, and still served for him.

more what it does not mean. His pulses throbbed once more with the To put the issue shortly, the elections effort to be free.

show that the majority of our electorate, Vain – vain. He could not break those as at present constituted, prefer Mr. Glad. slimy fetters. He could not get away. stone to Lord Salisbury. To me individHeaviness outweighted the desire to live. ually this popular admiration for the elect

He was going. He was dying. of Midlothian is a thing utterly unintelliOh, God — this was death.

gible. Hero-worship of any kind is perPhil's arms relaxed their hold. The haps not much in my line, but if I am to girl, released, floated away. It was only worship a hero he must possess other and Phil who remained -- who was held higher qualities than an exuberant verbos. fast.

ity, a masterdom of Parliamentary tactics, And the curlews cried overhead, in the and an exaggerated belief in his own clear air, as they circled above the water. infallibility. Still, there is no arguing And the tall trees bent down to sigh, their about tastes, and if the majority of my leafless branches touching the shining fellow-countrymen choose to look on Mr. river. And the weeds Aung their long Gladstone as a profound thinker, a great stems high into the wind, while they waved statesman, and a heaven-born minister, to and fro, like spectral sentinels upon a they have the same right to their opinion lonely strand.

as I have to mine. The will of the coun. But never a word, or a sign did they try has declared in favor of Mr. Gladstone, make to show that Philip Monkton slept and I, for one, speaking as an Englishman, beneath.

can only hope the verdict of posterity may Alas, poor Phil!

decide that the popular judgment was in

the right, and that I and my fellow-Union. Constance is Lady Monkton now. She ists were in the wrong. All I contend is married Sir Edward after all. She is not that the elections turned, in as far as unhappy, but now and then, when she Great Britain is concerned, upon Mr.

Gladstoue's personality, and not upon the not that its repeal has proved essential to merits or de xerits of Home Rule. It is a their own party interests. sigoal tribute to Mr. Gladstone's hold on The second feature of the late elections the masses that he should have been able to which I would call attention, is that to carry the day in spite of his advocating the choice of England – as I predicted a policy which a large section of his fol- would be the case in the article I wrote lowers view with distrust and dislike, and last month under the above heading - has which the great majority regard with gone dead against Mr. Gladstone's policy. supreme indifference. No other English | In London the Unionists held thirty-seven politician could have obtained a hearing seats against twenty-five; in the English for Home Rule. If the repeal of the provincial boroughs, ninety-five against Union is now brought within a measurable sixty-eight; in the English counties, one distance of accomplishment, Mr. Glad. hundred and thirty-one against one hunstone may fairly say “ Alone I did it.” dred and three; while in the English Prince Bismarck, whatever his detractors universities, the whole five seats were may say against him nowadays, will live retained by the Unionists without even forever in history as the statesmao who the pretence of a contest. Thus in Enunited Germany into one nation. Mr. gland alone Lord Salisbury had a majority Gladstone, if successful in his Home Rule of seventy-two. Io weighing the value of policy, will live in history as the statesman this majority you have to consider its who disunited Great Britain and Ireland. quality as well as its quantity. London Both statesmen are anxious for fame ; but and the whole network of towns and counthe latter seems to me to forget that, as ties which surround the metropolis have Lord Macaulay said, there is a fame which given an overwhelming vote against Home is marvellously like infamy.

Rule. The Midland counties, the great Be this as it may, it is a mere abuse of centres of industrial enterprise, such as language to say that the constituencies Liverpool, Manchester, and Birmingham, putting Ireland aside - have declared for have remained faithful to the cause repreHome Rule. The utmost that can truly be sented by Lord Salisbury's goveroment, said is that they have signified their read. On the other hand, the gains of the Gladiness to accept Home Rule, if its accept- stonians have been chiefly made in the ance is the necessary price of the Liberals East End of London and in the poorer being replaced in office. In so doing the agricultural counties. It follows, thereLiberal constituencies have faithfully fol. fore, that the wealth, the intelligence, the lowed the example of their illustrious energy of England are mainly represented leader. Mr. Gladstone attained the ma. by the districts which have returned ture age of seventy-seven without being Unionist candidates ; the districts, I may cooverted to Home Rule. But after the add, which, whenever we have one vote elections of 1885 he perceived that the one value, must gain largely in electoral growing strength of the Conservative representation at the cost of the less prosreaction in England rendered it impossible perous and populous constituencies in for the Liberals to retain power unless which the Separatists have made their they came to terms with the Nationalists. chief gains. Sooner than sacrifice the supremacy of his The third point worth noting is that the party he agreed to repeal the Union. In Unionists have gained ground in Scotland 1892 the English Liberals have declared and Ireland, though not to such an extent their readiness to do what Mr. Gladstone as to compensate for their losses in the did six years ago. The master, however, English counties. The fourth and last has proved more apt than his pupils. With item which should be placed to the credit his unrivalled faculty of self-deception he of the Unionists in any fair balance-sheet has contrived to persuade himself that of the elections is the extent to which the Home Rule is not only a political neces. Liberal Unionists have held their own. sity, but an absolute benefit; and he has They lost in round numbers one quarter made the discovery that in bartering the of the seats they held the other day, their repeal of the Union for the votes neces- respective strength in the late and the sary to enable him to return to office, he present Parliament being sixty as against is discharging a sacred duty which En- forty-six. The loss is a serious one, but gland owes to Ireland. His supporters, it falls far short of the total annihilation however, with rare exceptions, are unequal so confidently predicted for the Liberal to this flight of fancy, and make no secret Unionists by the Gladstonian organs. of the fact that they would never have Indeed, it must fairly be owned that Lib. dreamed of repealing the Union if it were eral Unionism seems to be an advancing

not a declining force in the great Midland before their prayers are granted by the districts, in which Mr. Chamberlain's per- arbiters of their fate. It is said that if sonal supremacy is now found to be you only eat dirt enough you learn to like stronger than ever.

the diet, and I should fancy that the politTaking the above considerations into ical stomachs of Sir William Harcourt and account, we can see that in the new Parlia- his like were exceptionally capable of as. ment there will be one of the most power- similating any sort of food, however repul. ful oppositions our political annals have sive to the ordinary palate. I can see, on record — an opposition harmonious, therefore, little reason to imagine that the united, proud of its cause, hopeful of its negotiations I have referred to will fall future, confident of success. On the through owing to any excessive squeam. other hand, we shall have a ministry sup.ishness on the part of Mr. Gladstone and ported by a heterogeneous and discordant his colleagues. The only possibility of majority, distracted by dissentient inter the Liberals and Nationalists failing to ests and conflicting claims, and with little come to an understanding lies in the off heart in the cause which they are pledged chance that the latter may insist upon con. to support. Indeed, my chief fear for the ditions which the former could not accept future lies in the fact that any calm calcu- without forfeiting the confidence of their lation of results tells strongly on the party. But I doubt greatly this possibilUnionist side, and that in consequence ity being realized. there is a risk of our under-estimating the Naturally enough, the Irish Nationalpossible dangers of the position.

ists, whether Parnellites or Anti-ParnelFor my own part I am not so satisfied, lites, do not like the English Liberals; as most of my friends profess to be, of the still more naturally they do not trust Mr. practical impossibility of Mr. Gladstone's Gladstone, and most naturally of all they success inflicting any serious injury on the enjoy the humiliation which they have now cause of the Union. After all, a majority the opportunity of inflicting on their old is a majority, no matter how it may be enemies. But I question their dislike and composed; and I see little probability distrust of Mr. Gladstone, or their wish to that the present majority will fail to exer- pay off old scores, leading them to the cise the first right of a majority, that of length of declining to vote in favor of his getting into office. The Nationalists un return to office. The leaders of the Irish doubtedly are masters of the situation. party are far too acute not to be aware that Lord Salisbury has avowed, and rightly the Liberal gains in England were won avowed, his intention of not resigning till mainly by Mr. Gladstone's personal popu. he is defeated by a vote in the House of larity, not by any enthusiasm for Home Commons. When Parliament meets as Rule; they know, too, that Mr. Gladstone it will within a day or two of these lines is the only English statesman who has appearing in print — some resolution pro: either the power or the wish to carry Home fessing want of confidence in her Maj: Rule into effect, and that therefore they esty's ministry will have to be carried if are running a serious risk, at his advanced Mr. Gladstone is to be entrusted with the period of life, in deferring even for a few formation of a government. The fate of months his accession to office. If Mr. this resolution will depend absolutely and Parnell had been alive the case might entirely on the decision of the National- have been different. Whatever his failists. if they agree to vote for it, the resings, he was a born leader of men olution will be carried; if they decide not bold, determined, and unscrupulous gamto vote at all the resolution will be lost, and bler in the game of politics. The opporthe present ministry will remain in office, tunity presented by the inability of Mr. at any rate until next February. In all like. Gladstone to unseat the ministry and get lihood negotiations have already been en back to office without the Nationalist vote tered into between the Liberal leaders and was one on which Mr. Parnell — to use a the Nationalists as to the terms on which metaphor familiar to card-players — would the latter will consent to give the vote re-infallibly “have gone nap.” The chance

quired to enable Mr. Gladstone to get had come for which, in his own words, back to office. Beggars cannot be choos- " he had taken off his shirt," and I err ers, and the English politicians who – greatly in my opinion of Mr. Parnell, both with Mr. Gladstone as their chief — are for good or bad, if he would have connow begging, cap in hand, for the votes of sented to give his vote, or allow his the Sextons and the Healys, in order to followers to vote, so as to turn out the sit once more upon the Treasury bench, government, till he had obtained a formal will have, in Oriental phrase, to eat dirt| undertaking from Mr. Gladstone pledging

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himself and his party to pass such a Home | ecclesiasticism and a want of sympathy Rule Bill as would have practically con- with the ideas which form the fundamental ferred absolute legislative and executive basis of Protestantism. Nor cao I place autonomy upon Ireland. The situation, much reliance on the strength of the Nonhowever, has been completely changed by conformist conscience. If Scotch Free the ostracism and subsequent death

of the Kirkmen and the English Dissenters, who great Irish leader. Mr. McCarthy is not form the backbone of the Liberal party in Parnell, and, what is more, knows he is Scotland and in the English provincial not Parnell; and a like assertion might be boroughs, are indifferent to the protests of made with regard to every one of the Irish their co-religionists in Ulster, why should patriots from Dillon and O'Brien down to we expect them to sacrifice their hostility Redmond and Tanner. With Parnell to the Church of England in order to hinalive the Nationalists would not have der the Church of Rome from gaining an dared to come to a compromise with Mr. advantage at the cost of Protestantism in Gladstone. But with Mr. Parnell in his Ireland? The plain truth is that with the grave a compromise is possible, if not general tendency of modern thought to probable. The Irish priesthood have re. discard, or at any rate to depreciate, belief covered their political ascendency; and in dogma, Dissent and Nonconformity the Nationalists are now, for all practical have lost their reason of being. I do not purposes, mere nominees of the Catholic assert for one moment that the great body Church in Ireland. All, therefore, that of Dissenters have lost all faith in the Mr. Gladstone has got to do is to come particular doctrines professed by their reto terms with Dr. Walsh and his fellow. spective sects. But I say without hesitaecclesiastics; and if he can do this he may tion that dogmatic faith is on the wane, be sure that the Nationalists will obey and that, as a necessary corollary, the anorders and vote for his resolution, even if tagonism between the Established Church they are not altogether satisfied with the and Dissent has become not so much reextent of his concessions. Now to come ligious, as social and political. Thus, so 10 terms with the Irish clergy is a far long as the Conservatives are opposed to easier task than to come to an understand. disestablishment the Dissenters will supiny with the Irish Nationalists. The port the Liberals, even if their support priests — and especially the higher orders should involve the surrender of the Protof the priesthood – care far more about estant cause in the sister kingdom. The ecclesiastical autonomy than they do about English Liberals, as a body, will follow legislative independence. If, therefore, Mr. Gladstone blindly; and the Irish NaMr. Gladstone should be prepared to ne- tionalists will accept the orders of their gotiate with the Irish episcopate on the spiritual masters. With the exception of basis of giving over the control of national the handful of Parnellites, every Irish education in Ireland, virtually, if not nom- Nationalist member is aware that he owes inally, to the priesthood, and of allowing his seat to the influence of the priests, and the Parliament of Dublin full authority to that if he incurs their displeasure he can. deal with all ecclesiastical questions, his not look for re-election. But even if this clerical allies would, I think, be found were otherwise the Nationalists – how. ready to recommend their representatives ever little they may trust Mr. Gladstone at Westminster to submit to such restric- - would, I think, come in the end to the tions on the political authority of the Irish conclusion that they have more to gain by Parliament as might in his opinion be putting Mr. Gladstone into office, even necessary to satisfy the scruples of the without specific conditions, than they have English Liberal members, and to confirm by keeping the Unionists in power. They the Liberal party outside Parliament in are fully alive to the pressure they can the delusion that by granting Home Rule bring to bear upon the Liberals if ever the they were not actually consenting to the latter attempt to place real restrictions on repeal of the Union. To a compromise the power of the proposed Irish Parliaof this kind Mr. Gladstone himself would, ment, and they are perfectly aware that if I fancy, offer no objection. In the case once an Irish Parliament and an Irish of a statesman all of whose convictions executive are established the removal of are of a fluid order it is difficult to form any restrictions placed on their authority any positive opinion as to the stability or is a mere question of time. No rational instability of any particular conviction. man in his senses supposes that if the But it may be said without injustice that government of Ireland were throughout his public career Mr. Glad trusted to an Irish Parliament, England stone has always manifested a bias towards would go to war with Ireland because this

once

en

Parliament gradually extended its author- / surd to sacrifice office for the sake of ity beyond the limits originally assigned. enforcing restrictions on the competence Yet, short of armed intervention, Great of this Parliament which their own authors Britain would, on this hypothesis, have no know in their hearts to be not worth the practical power of hindering the Irish paper on which they are written. Thus I legislature or the Irish ministers from see no absolute impossibility in the sup: extending their authority to any extent position that Mr. Gladstone may succeed that they might deem desirable. I have in the course of next year in passing a no doubt if Mr. Parnell had lived he bill through the House of Commons by would have made a hard fight for a posi' which Ireland would in reality be accorded tive undertaking as to the specific condi- complete legislative independence, while tions of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule at the same time it would be possible to scheme before he consented to replace represent to the public that the bill did the Liberals in power. But I am inclined not materially impair the supreme authorto think that in the end the uncrowned ity of the imperial Parliament. king would have deemed it wiser to put I do not say that such a bill will be Mr. Gladstone into office, even without passed through the House of Commons. any definite pledge as to the details of his I do not overlook the extreme, inherent scheme, than to give the Unionists a new difficulties of any attempt to conciliate lease of power, and thereby postpone in the Nationalists without alienating the definitely the establishment of an inde. English Liberals. I do not leave out of pendent Irish Parliament, of which he calculation what, with the fear before my was to have been the leader, and by means eyes of rousing once more the wrath of of which he reckoned confidently on effect: the great Sir William, I will euphemis. ing the complete separation of Ireland tically describe as the chapter of accidents. from England. Thus, if my calculations But still, after making all allowances, it are correct, Mr. Gladstone will meet with seems to me by no means an impossible no insuperable difficulty in getting the contingency that Mr. Gladstone may conNationalists to vote for a resolution hos- trive to pass some sort of Home Rule tile to the government without insisting Bill through the House of Commons be. on the disclosure of the scheme by which fore the close of the session of 1893. We he proposes to confer legislative inde. may take it for granted that if he does so pendence on Ireland without impairing succeed the House of Lords will throw the supremacy of the imperial Parliament. out the bill, and in this case we should

I do not share the view held in so many have a dissolution of Parliament followed quarters that the devising, or even the by a general election in about twelve passing of such a scheme, is beyond the months from the present time. bounds of possibility. I fully admit that It is this contingency for which the the attempt to repeal the Union, and yet Unionists have got to be prepared. There to retain the supremacy of the imperial is no good in ignoring the truth, that a Parliament, is as insoluble a problem as general election held under the conditions the squaring of the circle. But it is not I have supposed would not be so favorable impossible to devise a scheme which, in many respects to the Unionist cause as with a little good-will, may be represented the one which has just concluded, and as fulfilling two inconsistent conditions. which has resulted, however unsatisfacThe same causes which have made Mr. torily or inconclusively, in a Home Rule Gladstone and the Liberal party so eager victory. It is all very well for Radicals to get back to power will render them still of the Labouchere type to urge the ex. more reluctant to give up power when pediency of postponing Home Rule till a once they have obtained it. Whenever it variety of reforms are passed, which are comes to the alternative of either giving supposed, rightly or wrongly, to be likely way upon any special provision of the to strengthen the power of the Liberal Home Rule Bill, or of incurring certain party in the English constituencies. But defeat, it is the Liberals, not the Nation. whatever the Radicals may wish, the alists, who will be the first to surrender. Nationalists command the position, and The position of straining at the goat when can, according to a slang phrase, call the you have swallowed the camel is one which tune. Now they - as I have said above it is difficult for a party to maintain for any are well aware that their one chance of length of time; and when once the Lib- carrying a Home Rule Bill depends upon erals have consented to give Ireland an Mr. Gladstone's tenure of power. As independent legislature it would be ab. I they do not happen to share the Harcourt

LIVING AGE. VOL. LXXIX. 4100

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