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dering how in the world they came there, | the pleasant if somewhat selfish thought until we discovered a path most cleverly that we had been able to explore regions cut in a fissure of the rock and carried to (thanks to the kindness of hosts) upon the top of the fortress by a system of which no Englishman and no Scotsman steps, beams, and drawbridges - truly an save ourselves had ever planted foot. engineering tour de force. Before the days of artillery the place must have been well-nigh impregnable, for upon the slightest alarm one or two blows of a hatchet would sever the drawbridges and completely bar the invader's access.

After a short halt we descended into the smiling valley of Beni-barbar, in which by the side of the river of that name flourished in profusion olives, figs, and baytrees. And after crossing and re-crossing the river several times, we arrived for the night at Zaouia, the site of an ancient Roman fortified town.

It was not the beautiful remains of colonnades and arches lying in picturesque ruin (many of them dedicated to Septimius Severus) which will make the picture linger for many a long day in our minds, but the great natural beauty of the situation. The ruins lay in the centre of a great forest of olives, finer than any I ever saw either in Italy or in the south of France, and it was easy to believe when one gazed upon the great gnarled trunks that the Arab_tradition, that they were planted by the Romans, was well founded. Our tents were pitched in this glorious grove, and the scene under the magic light of the moon was quite enchanting.

Our march next day through this green valley was like a return to spring from a torrid summer. The vegetation was luxuriant, and the sun's fiery rays were tempered by a cool wind. We passed our next night at Taberga, where a very lawless race came down upon us, but were kept at a respectful distance by the spahis.

We rode for three more days at an altitude of four thousand feet in bitter cold weather, which nearly petrified us, and the fires kindled periodically upon the march by the spahis by setting light to stretches of halfa grass were most welcome. We arrived at Khenchela on the nineteenth day after our start.

We had certainly had a wonderful expedition. We had in safety made a dangerous march over the inhospitable upper Sahara. We had been warmed by the glorious sun which shines on the lower Sahara, and had had more than a glimpse of the every-day life of those whose home it is. But lastly, and chiefly, we had not only quelled the fever of travel raging within us, but we were able to rejoice in

From The Fortnightly Review. IN YOUNG PARLIAMENTARY DAYS.

Up to the passing of the Municipal Reform Act in 1832, the Corporation of Hythe met annually in a room over the porch of the parish church, to elect the mayor and transact other business. The right of the civil authority to locate itself in the church dates back so far that its origin is lost. Even after the Corporation had abandoned the practice of holding meetings in this room, they retained it as a storehouse of papers and records. Thirty years ago, some alterations taking place in the buildings, a mass of old papers were conveniently gathered in one corn of the room preliminary to burning the. They were rescued by the opportun arrival of the mayor, who subsequently handed them over to the custody of the town clerk, Mr. George Wilks. This gentleman has found leisure to make a partial examination of the pile, which turns out to be treasuretrove, carrying back the history of the town to Plantagenet times, presenting, amongst other views, a rare picture of the growth of parliamentary representation.

Hythe, as one of the Cinque Ports, returned two members to the Parliament summoned on the 14th December, 1264, this being the first time the representatives of towns met in Parliament. It was the period of the war between the Barons and Henry III., the king being at the time a prisoner in the hands of the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester. The work for which this Parliament was specially summoned was to decide upon the terms upon which the king and his son Edward, also a prisoner, might be released.

Thereafter, whenever a Parliament met, the king was bound to send to the warden of the Cinque Ports writs, causing to be elected for each port "two able and skilful barons." It was ordained that such barons should have their reasonable costs and expenses paid by their constituents, reckoning from the first day upon which they set forth upon their legislative duties to the day on which they returned to their homes. Amongst the documents found in the Hythe chest are particulars of some of the disbursements. On a faded sheet

of paper, nearly six hundred years old, |nity that paid their expenses. All kinds the following is written:

Mem.

That Henry Philipot and John Skynnere, barons of the Parliament held at Westminster, 16th October, in the 7th year of the reign of King Henry V., after the Conquest of England, made account in the Common Hall, 29th day of November in the above year, of their expenses going there and returning for 35 days, whereof the sum of wages is £8 15s. And for fees to doorkeeper at the Parliament, 12d., and there is owed to them £7 6s., whereof they received afterwards, 56s. 8d., and they are owed £4 95. 4d. Whereof are paid £4 6s. 8d.

John Skynnere was evidently a personage in the town. There is another entry which should make the mouth of Lord Dufferin water, showing how John Skynnere entertained the lieutenant (constable) of Dover Castle at breakfast, and was "allowed for the same six rabbits, 15d.; two capons, 12d.; ale, 91d." The lieutenant of Dover Castle, tempo 1419-20, seems to have been partial to rabbits. The first entry is under date August, 1419 In October of the following year we find the new member for Hythe, Alexander Appulford, credited in the town accounts with allowance for "three rabbits for the Lieutenant of Dover Castle's breakfast, 7d.; and three capons, 18d." To provide breakfast for the lieutenant of Dover Castle was evidently the first duty of the newly elected member. In the Town Council ledger of the year 1420 there is entry of an allowance to Johannes Leghe of "2d., for vinegar for Lieutenant of Dover Castle's breakfast." Whether this was in supplement of rabbits and capons does not appear. There is no other entry on the breakfast account for this year, nor does the lieutenant, having shared this twopennyworth of vinegar, appear to have again breakfasted at the expense of the barons of Hythe.

It is odd to be reminded by these musty papers that at the beginning of things Parliaments were annual. In 1330 it was enacted that "a Parliament should be holden every year once, and more often if need be." During the half-century reign of Henry III. record is found of fortyeight sessions of Parliament. In 1641 the Triennial Act was passed. This was repealed in 1664, re-enacted in 1694, and in 1716 the term was extended to seven years, in the teeth of the Tories, who then believed in annual Parliaments.

At the beginning, parliamentary representation was regarded as a burden alike by the members chosen and the commu

of devices were hit upon in order to reduce expenses. In the twenty-second year of Henry VI., the following resolution was passed at a Brotherhood and Guestling, as were called the meetings of the barons of the Ports: "Resolved to make interest that certain burgesses of Parliament returned for the Cinque Ports may be permitted to return home after abiding four weeks and part to remain as was used by old custom." In 1586 Hythe had a stroke of high good luck. In a memorandum dated the "XXIX. daye of December, 1586," it is set forth how "Mr. John Smyth, of Westernhanger, gent., is chosen and elected to be one of the burgesses for the sayd towne to the Parliament, and he to serve it gratis." The other member was Mr. Dalmington, who undertook to perform the duties for 25. a day, being one-half the amount allowed to Christopher Honiwood, gent., his predecessor, who drew 4s. It is true Mr. Dalmington stipulated for a payment of 9s. to meet his expenses on repairing to London, and a similar sum for the return journey.

Mr. Honiwood's colleague in the representation of Hythe was Mr. Thomas Bodly, known to fame this day as the founder of the Bodleian Library. Another ancient member for Hythe was Jacob des Bouverie, founder of the house of which the Earl of Radnor is to-day the head. The family came over from Flanders, settling in Canterbury about the year 1567. In 1697 Jacob des Bouverie, who had mightily flourished, bought the land upon which a great portion of Folkestone is now built, the rents whereof worthily maintain the earldom of Radnor. Jacob des Bouverie represented Hythe in Parliament in the years 1695 and 1698.

As time went on a seat in Parliament began to be sought after by well-to-do persons. The lord warden of the Cinque Ports boldly asserted the right of presentation, an assumption that led to some quaint correspondence, to be found in the treasure-trove from the church porch. The barons occasionally resented the interference of the lord warden. But if he was peremptory, as he usually was, they gave in. In any case, having once setled who was to be their candidate, the good burgesses were earnest in their endeavor to get something out of him. Opportunity for urging this request was found in the ceremony of induction as a freeman of the borough, which the bur gesses insisted upon as a preliminary to the new member taking his seat in Parlia

ment. The new member, suspecting what | man had, seventeen years earlier, offered was to the fore, showed himself coy, himself for election with lavish promise pleaded various excuses for inability to of what he would do in return for the honor. journey to Hythe, and, as a last resource, There is no mistake about the bargain. begged that a commission of freeholders It is written in clerkly handwriting, and might wait upon him at his residence and endorsed "Hayles, Esq. His Agreement there administer the oath. Under date in case he was chosen our Representathe 9th March, 1613, the assembly of tive." The particulars run as follows:mayor and jurats communicated to the Earl of Northampton, lord warden, with A debt upon the Corporation of £50. respect to Sir Lyonell Cranfield, knight, An Arch Bridge of Stone, West end of the whom, on his lordship's nomination, they Stone steps going up to the Church. had elected as one of the burgesses for Jurats' and Commoners' Seats and new Pulpit. the port. "May it therefore please yor. Sergeants' Maces. good Lop," they wrote, "that he may come to take ye said Oath here amongst us, the rather because wee desire to be acquainted with him, and alsoe would request him in sumthinge for the p'ticular good of this towne."

Sir Henry Wood, treasurer to the queenmother, Henrietta Maria, was elected on the 26th October, 1662; but as an entry shows, it was ordered that " he should be returned after he shall have first made his appearance at Hythe and take the oath of a freeman of this town, and not before." Sir Henry was very shy, pleading his duty to the queen-mother, and other reasons, for not making the acquaintance of his constituents. After long haggling three of the jurats were appointed a commission to go to London, to "see Sir Henry Wood about the building of boats and to sweare him." The result is recorded in an entry regarding a meeting held on 22nd December, 1662, where the commissioners made relation "of their journey to London, to administer the oath of a Freeman to Sir Henry Wood, according to the late order of the House, and of Sir Henry Wood's expressions to adventure £40, or twice as much as any other man also shall adventure, but the fishermen of this towne seeing no encouragement therein att first, nothing is done at this tyme."

As the centuries rolled on the value of a seat increased, the vails of members grew heavier, and were apparently more readily bestowed. Hercules Baker, one of the barons in Parliament in the year 1728, endowed Hythe with a new bridge. In 1741 new water-pipes were laid down from the town cistern. At the end of the specification of the work it is ecstatically written, "All done at ye charge of Hercules Baker, Esq." In 1727, the newly elected member presented the town with new maces, which to this day bear the inscription, "The gift of Thomas Hales, Esq., Lieutenant of Dover Castle and member for this port, 1744." This same gentle

town.

I agree to the performance of the above
written articles if elected a member of
the Town and Port of Hythe.
Witness my hand,
THOS. HALES.

If the members gave, they also received. For his bridge and waterpipes, Hercules Baker, Esq., finally obtained the treasurership of Greenwich Hospital, whilst William Glanville, who erected the stone steps that to this day lead up to the parish church, was made one of the commissioners of his Majesty's revenue in Ireland, and doubtless during the term of his office pocketed enough to cover the steps with golden guineas.

Bribery and corruption were, in truth, leading agencies in the election of mem. bers for Hythe, in which respect it is doubtless a representative of all other constituencies at the time. At Sandling Park, the home of the Deedes family, who had been intimately associated with Hythe since Cromwell's day, there is preserved some correspondence about a famous election contest that began in January, 1767, and was continued till the 16th of March, 1768. Lord George Sackville, son of the Duke of Dorset, lord warden in succession to Prince George of Denmark, husband of Queen Anne, had been returned, as a matter of course, member for Hythe. Lord Holdernesse, the succeeding lord warden, when installed, naturally insisted upon nominating his own man whenever a vacancy should occur. Lord George Sackville stubbornly fought the place, and the correspondence sets forth with delightful frankness how the freemen of Hythe were got at, and how much the process cost. The contest was of direct interest to certain ladies, seeing that they, being born of a freeman, carried with them as a marriage dower the freedom of the borough. How this affected the interest of the swain appears from the following passage in a letter dated 29th September, 1767, and

addressed to Mr. Deedes, at Sandling gence upon occasion of attempt upon them, Park:

Mr. Le Geit has sent for Goldup, the Father of the Person who is to be married to Simmons's Daughter, of Hothfield. The Other Side have offered to put the young man into a Farm at Michaelmas, to Stock the Farm for him, to give him the Stock and One Years Rent-Tourney's Farm at Elham, rated at £45 p. ann. He spoke to him in the name of Mr. and Mrs. Barrett, and the Old man promised if he had any Influence over the Son, he should not engage to them, till he had seen Mr. Sawbridge. He said he thought in less than a weeke his son would be much pressed.

and this day we adjourned into London till
the Lords have done the like.
Thursday, not as a house but as a Committee;

Hythe, with other more modern Parliamentary boroughs, will be contested at the forthcoming general election. It is pleasant for us at this time of day to reflect that we are not as these old burgesses and barons were, that there is no longer undue influence in any shape at Parliamentary elections, and that candidates neither desire nor have any grounds for expecting personal advancement as an incident collateral to possession of a seat in the House of Commons. Now none are for a party, but all are for the State.

HENRY W. LUCY.

From Chambers' Journal. THE MAFIOSI.

Three or four hundred years ago it seems to have been expected of M.P.s that they should act as London correspondents for their constituents, sending them scraps of news from headquarters. Sir Henry Heyman, constable (or lieutenant as he was then called) of Dover Castle during the Commonwealth, was elected to what was known as the Short Parliament, THE Italian Mafia of to-day is not a though it lasted long enough to formulate complex organization with constitution, and decree the constitutional principle ordinances, and by-laws, but a community that statement of grievance precedes of sentiment striving to preserve the granting of supply. Writing from "Black- feudal institution of personal vengeance, fryers" on the 17th of January, 1640, Sir and warring against State interference Henry Heyman says: with individual license. There are, however, within this great solidarity of malefactors numerous bands of criminals having a formal organization, and special fields of action as brigands, cattle-thieves, contrabandists, intimidators, and extortioners, in family or personal groups, such as the Posa, Fratuzzi, Amoroso, Stoppaglieri, Fratellanza, Cosca, Mala Vita, and Carciolo. All these societies have their officers, rules, oaths, and penalties or usually one penalty, death.

Here hath been all this Christmas great feares at designes upon the Parliament, in so much that we were forced for some days to adjourn into London as a Committee. The malignant party that contrived these mischiefs endeavored (but in vain) to have raised forces, as you may perceive, by order of Digby and Lunsford.

This letter breaks off here, portion of a sheet being missing. It takes up the story with the statement: "Twelve bishops this day came to their answere and pleaded not guilty, and have day for a further answer till Tuesday comes seae-night" (se'nnight). Parliament was at this time evidently in a parlous state, fearing every hour to be fallen upon and destroyed.

We heare [Sir Henry writes in this same letter] there is preparac'one in France both of men and ships for England; pray if you heare so let me know it, and provide yourselves for defence. There is an ordinance coming forth to get the whole Kingdom in a capacity for defending itself in these dangerous times, which I will send you as soon as it comes out. Captain Epsly would do well to look to his Castle [Sandgate], and to endeavor to get it into better posture for service than I doubt it is. The Houses of Parliament are guarded constantly by 600 of the trained bands of London and Middlesex, and ten horse appointed as scouts to give intelli

A direct outgrowth of feudalism, the Mafia originated in Florence and Genoa at a time when the retainers of the later medieval nobles lounged about the now deserted palaces, waiting for the bidding of their masters to carry out some new assassination in the constant campaign of private vengeance. Unlike Nihilism, the Mafia is not strictly a secret society; it is non-political, and is the development and perfection of a supreme power directed to every kind of evil; it is the instinctive solidarity, brutal and selfish, that unites to the injury of the State, of laws, and of sire to obtain their living not by labor, but organized society all individuals that deby violence, trickery, and intimidation.

In every part of Italy it is undoubtedly a power of malignant activity, which in these days of unrest and anarchy is rap

idly extending its nefarious influences. | gon, intonation, and gesticulation of their The difference between the rich and the own. For instance, the word for prison is poor Mafiosi is merely one of degree. "cullegiu" (college); for manacles, "cuThe wealthy proprietor becomes an ally either to carry on an hereditary feud, to make himself a beneficiary of past crimes, or merely to gratify a desire for power. If he is not in voluntary sympathy with the offenders, he is constrained to lend himself directly or indirectly to their schemes. Otherwise, a gun-shot, a general slaughter of his cattle, a fire that consumes his harvest, a threatening letter or sequestration of his person reminds him that, while the law has many formalities and delays, the action of the Mafia is summary. He rarely hesitates longer as to where he shall attach his interests; if he does, his own life pays for the delay. It happens thus that a family may be obliged to witness the murder of a relative and remain silent, rather than incur the further action of the Mafia, as they would do by having recourse to the criminal courts.

A similar interest impels the peasant to seek the protection of the lawless, no matter what his better inclinations may be. Should he seek a livelihood by honest labor alone, he will find himself despised, oppressed, and almost starved; but if he | violates the law, the Mafia protects him, conceals him, provides him with funds, and contrives that he shall escape punishment. Then the obscurity in which he has dwelt hitherto is exchanged for the esteem of all other delinquents, by whom he is acclaimed as a man of honor, and one who has proved himself worthy of a place in the ranks of those who have shielded him. There is a distinction between the Mafiosi of the mountains and those of the seashore, especially those of the commercial cities. In the mountains the crimes are of a ruder sort-stealing and slaughtering cattle, incendiarism, and other outrages; along the coast and in the cities, the alliance works with fraud, extortion, and assassination, with a cunning skill that attains to the perfection of a fine art.

The most important and general of the meeting-places of the Mafia are the great cattle fairs, of which a regular series is held from April until October. Here they assemble from Palermo, Girgenti, Caltanisetta, Trapani, and other provinces; and allies of every grade adjust their reciprocal interests, devise their criminal projects, and plan the execution of them. These fairs are the interprovincial congresses of the organization, and especially of the agricultural members. For the interchange of opinion they use a certain jar

runa" (rosary); for sword, " statia " (steel-
yard); "Be'lassalu stari" (Let him alone)
is to be translated: "This man deserves a
severe lesson; now is not the time; we'll
meet him alone, and take him while he
is off his guard." The true Mafiosi are
polished villains. They assume towards
their enemy the language and bearing of
fraternal good-humor, or ingenuousness,
and suffer a blow without remonstrance;
but at night assassinate him. The keynote
of the whole alliance is "Omerta,"
exact etymology of which has long been in
dispute. The majority of Italian writers
believe it to be derived from “uomo
(man), that is, to be a man; but Alonghi,
one of the most authoritative writers on
the subject of criminal bands in Italy,
thinks that it signifies "humility"-a
definition that finds support in the assumed
humility of the real Mafiosi. To a member
of the society "Omerta " is the one virtue
that includes and supersedes all others.

the

Members of the Mafia have many secret maxims, which are learned by heart on admittance to the alliance. The following are some of these rules of conduct: The poor resort to force, fools resort to law. Take the life of whoever makes you lose the means of living. Be respectful to officers of the law, but stand afar off. If I die, I will be buried; if I live you will be. Of what does not concern you say neither good nor evil. Testimony is good unless given against your neighbor. He that dies is buried, he that lives gets married. An influential friend is worth more than a thousand "lire " in your pockets. Impris onment, sickness, and misfortune prove the hearts of friends.

The essence of the constitution of the various bands of the alliance, in city and country alike, is as follows: 1st, Ready, passive, and constant obedience to the head of the band. 2d, Absolute silence as to the composition and enterprises of the band. 3d, Material, moral, and pecuniary aid to all members, and especially when arrested. 4th, Never to have recourse to legal authority, but to refer all disputes to the leader of the band. The penalty for a violation of any of these obligations is invariably death.

In all the societies the character of initiation is the same. The candidate takes his place before a table on which the effigy of a saint is displayed. The neophyte then offers his right hand to the two associates who have presented him for membership,

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