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A LONDON LANDSCAPE.
And lavish roses; still I see BEFORE me lies no purple distance wide,
Her 'mid them; hear the names I knew, With faint horizon hills to bound my view.
“ The Moss Rose,” “General Jacque Tall houses close me in on every side,
minot,” Pierced here and there by meagre slits of
Saffroni," and the dear old tree blue.
“ Tea-scented," sweet as it could be. 'Tis not for me to watch the slow dawn come But 'mid the many flowers that were Across the quiet meadows dewy grey,
One might not thrive, and still apart 'Tis not for me to hear the brown bees hum The childish longing takes my heart, Upon the gorsy uplands all the day. “Would that the Daphne had lived there,
Since this was so desired by her." But I can see one gracious growing thing:
A poplar-tree spreads fair beside my door. But ah! what matter now; the grace Its bright, unrestful leaves keep fickering Is vanished of her gentle touch;
And whispering to the breezes evermore. The heart that cared for all so much, And when at eve the fires of sunset flare,
The noble mien, the loving face, And parapets and roofs are rimmed with Have passed unto a higher place.
gold, And like bold beacon-lights, flash here and The walks, the lawns, the rustling trecs, there
The mimic wood for many a fern, The dingy warehouse windows manifold,
Expect no more her slow return;
New names, new voices catch the breeze, The little leaves upon my poplar-tree
And all is changed save memories;
But these are ours until life's slope
Dips down into the darkened dale;
And 'tis by these the dead avail
KATE CARTER. And 'twixt the trembling poplar-leaves, a star
Hangs like a shining blossom all the night.
When I was wild and gay,
On a couple of francs a day,
That hopped in the cour below,
For old sake's sake, you know.
A MOTHER'S GARDEN. I see her in the dear, dead years,
Blest in her apt and tender ways;
I catch some sweet or humorous phrase ;
And loiters where she loitered oft
Upon the long lawns, close and soft, Tending the blossoms that might wane With thirsting for the summer rain. Like her own children, well she knew
The children of her garden-reach,
And ministered to all and each,
The yellow lilies' brief, sweet bliss;
The delicate grey clematis,
In fancy I can smell again
At eve, or after summer rain;
Across the cour was another room,
And behind the lattice oft
And blue eyes, kind and soft.
She too was alone and poor,
That hopped about in the cour.
'Twas long ago in my student days,
When I was wild and gay,
And the window over the way.
Through fair and cloudy weather,
And that drew us both together.
J. A. MIDDLETON.
• The students' name for the Boulevard St. Michel, Quartier Latin.
From The Nineteenth Century. I have no desire to write a word which ULSTER AND HOME RULE.
may encourage the people of Belfast and
Ulster to resist the application to them On the morrow of the defeat of Mr. of a Home-Rule act. There are circumGladstone's Home Rule Bill the English stances, no doubt, under which the right of public were too busy wondering what resistance accrues, but it is the men of Ul. would happen next at Westminster to ster alone who can decide whether those think of anything else. Had they been at circumstances have arisen. On them falls leisure, however, to fix their attention upon the terrible responsibility of the decision, the city of Belfast, they would have been and no English Unionist who does not witoesses of a spectacle well worth their share that responsibility has any right to consideration. The rejection of the bill interfere. The less the Unionists of Great of 1886 was the signal for rejoicings of a Britain have to do with the resolves of kind to which the modern world is little the northern Protestants the better. But accustomed, though the manner of these though I have no intention of saying any. rejoicings was eminently characteristic of thing to stimulate the movement which the last of the Puritan cities. Belfast re- is now taking place in Ulster, I am anxmained awake to hear the result of the ious to do what I can to help the English division, and when the news that saved electorate to understand the facts with Ulster flashed across the wires the whole which they are dealing, and to make them city "fraternized.” Strangers, as they realize the temper of the people who at passed each other in the streets, stopped the begioning of this month are to meet in to shake hands and to express their convention at Belfast. Before the people thankfulness and delight, for a common of Great Britaio determine that they will peril and a common relief made all men not listen to the demand of the northern acquainted. But the enthusiasm was not counties to remain under the Parliament confined to the streets. Bands of work at Westminster, and attempt to force ing men went through the suburb roads, them under the domination of the south, knocking at the doors of houses “to pass they ought to face the Ulster problem the word,” knowing that even at that hour as a whole. Now undoubtedly the most of the night they would be sure of a important factor in that problem is the welcome. All this might perhaps have question, Will the Protestant north really happened in other towns under similar resist the execution of powers of legislacircumstances, but in Belfast a touch was tion and administration conferred upon a added that showed the special temper of Dublin Parliament? Whether they ought the people. After a band of men engaged to resist is another matter. The question in spreading the good tidings had given is, Will they resist? aod if they do, Will their message to the household in some their resistance be of a kind that will caovilla on the outskirts of the town, they cel the advantages sought to be obtained would fall on their knees in the garden from Home Rule? How, in a word, will and join in prayer and thanksgiving for the resistance of the north affect the profit the mercy vouchsafed to Ulster. Such and loss account of Home Rule? The acts strike the moral key-note of Belfast. admitted object of Home Rule is to conWe may sneer at its inhabitants as reli- tent and pacify Ireland. How will the gious bigots and as belated upholders of resistance of Ulster affect that object? fanaticism, but we cannot ignore facts like The matters, then, that I desire to discuss these. Whether we like or dislike the here are: (1) the genuineness or lack of circumstance, there is alive in the Belfast genuineness of the threatened resistance of today the old Puritan spirit - the of the north ; (2) the character that such spirit which overthrew Charles, and raised resistance is likely to assume ; (3) the rein his stead the reign of the saiots. This sults that the attempt to suppress resistis the spirit, these the people, which the ance are likely to produce. Gladstonians expect to see submit to the It may seem presumptuous for an Enrule of a Dublin Parliament without a glishman with but a slight personal acstruggle.
quaintance with the north of Ireland to
attempt to deal with these problems. I vention. “Ah! but," the Gladstonians
" can only plead in defence that lookers-on will say, "even admitting its spontaneity, often see the best of the game, that I have the convention does not matter. We have endeavored to the best of my ability to seen plenty of similar movements in Ul. study and understand the temper of the ster, but they have never come to anything. Ulster people, and that I have always felt Did not the Ulstermen threaten to kick a special sympathy for what before 1886 the queen's crown into the Boyne if the might have been called the Nonconformist Irish Church Bill was passed, and yet attitude in politics — the attitude of the when the act was put into operation there Independents in the seventeenth century, was not the slightest difficulty.” No doubt and of Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden in that is very true. The Orangemen in modern times — an attitude, though with 1869 and 1870 talked a great deal of nonvariations, characteristic of the Ulster of sense and did nothing ; but that does not to-day,
show that when, in 1892, men who are not Orangemen say quietly that they will not
acknowledge the laws passed by a Dublin That the movement which has resulted Parliament, they are also talking nonsense. in the summoning of the convention which The Orangemen who gasconaded in 1869 will coosider the best methods of resisting represented only a portion of the Protes. Home Rule was spontaneous there can be tant population — those belonging to the Do sort of doubt. The Gladstonians, lay. Established Church. The rest of the ing hold of some unguarded remarks Protestants were as anxious for disestabby Lord Salisbury - remarks which had lishment as the Catholics. The Liberal much better not have fallen from the Protestants of Ulster were then in politics mouth of a prime minister have at working hand in haod with the Catholics, tempted to represent the convention as a and they would not only have given no mere piece of party tactics, a great public support to, but would have actively opmeeting ordered from London, and no posed res stance to, the Church Act. more worth attending to than the New- Things are very
The castle Conference or the grand council of threat of Home Rule has brought the the Primrose League. Nothing in reality whole of the Protestants into line, and could be further from the truth. The Protestant Liberals, and Protestant To. summoning of the convention was a purely ries, Episcopalians, and Presbyterians, spontaneous act — the result of the double once so bitterly opposed in Ulster, have determination not to be caught unprepared fouod a common standpoint in a common if Home Rule should pass, and to address danger. People in England may find it to the electors of Great Britain a collective difficult to realize fully what this means, appeal on behalf of the Protestants of the for they are apt to talk as if the Protestants north. A group of Belfast merchants and in Ulster had always been united against men of business of Liberal Unionist views the Catholics. This is by no means the (it would be more correct to say merely case. A very large number of Ulster Liberal merchants, since in Belfast the Protestants, before the growth of Parnell. whole Liberal party and organization re- ism made co-operation impossible, habitumained Unionist in 1886, rendering the ally worked with the Catholics on Liberal descriptive adjective unnecessary), consid- lines. The Liberals of Ulster were brought ering that the time had arrived for organiz- up to hate two things equally – Orangeing a body that could speak in the name of ism and Ribbonism; and when the sur. Ulster Protestantisın, agreed to take steps render of 1886 took the world by surprise, for convoking a gathering of representa. the Protestant Liberals and the Protestant tive Ulstermen. Accordingly, a deputa. Tories of the north found themselves, for tion crossed to England and pressed their the first time in their lives, with a conscheme upon the Ulster members of Par- mon policy. Strange as it may seem, the liament. The result was the Downshire convention will even now be the first occaHouse meeting and the calling of the con- sion on which many of the Orange and Liberal leaders have ever met. English | making our laws. With constitutional men and Scotchmen should remember this technicalities we have nothing to do. We fact when the solid resistance of the Prot. claim a moral right to ignore and disobey estants of Ulster is represented to them a Parliament set up against our wishes. as something to be expected, and there. The laws of the Imperial Parliament we fore as something which can be discounted. will obey, but we will not acknowledge a Nothing but the gravest danger would Parliament on College Green.” If the have united the Ulster Liberals and the convention adopts a policy based upon Orangemen. With the Orangemen I do these propositions, as it can hardly be not desire 10 express much sympathy, for doubted that it will, the resistance offered they have undoubtedly helped to keep by Ulster need be nothing but passive, alive the spirit of religious intolerance in What would happen, supposing Mr. GladIreland, and have abetted in this evil work stone were to pass his bill, would be somethe efforts of the more extreme Irish Rothing like this. The Home Rule Act man Catholics. It must not be forgotten, would probably direct that writs should however, that the Orange organization has be immediately issued for the return of suffered a good deal of misrepresentation the Irish Parliament. In the north, the in England, and that, as a rule, its char. returning officers would throw the writs acter is misunderstood. Whether we like aside, risking the actions that would be it or not as a whole, we must acknowledge brought against them, and no election that it has not a few redeeming features, would take place. This, however, would and possesses a real hold on its members. not prevent the Dublin Parliament meetIt is, for example, a thoroughly democratic ing and falling to business. Presumably institution. Class distinctions have no that Parliament's earliest duty would be place in the Orange lodges, and laborer to fill its coffers, and taxation would be at aod landlord are on an equality at their once imposed. Here, then, would come meetings. Again, it is to be noted that, the first point of friction. The Ulstermen though Orangeism and Episcopalianism would, of course, refuse to pay a tax levied usually go together, the Puritan spirit is in Dublin, and then the Dublin Parliament still present. Every lodge opens its pro- would be face to face with a strike against ceedings by a reading from the Bible. taxes, in which every merchant of wealth
Unquestionably the resistance which and position in Belfast and Derry, and will be offered to Home Rule will be per. every landlord in the north would be enfectly genuine and perfectly spontaneous. gaged. The Dublin Parliament would, Except for an infinitesimal minority, the no doubt, prefer to have its officers meet Protestants of the north are determined with open resistance. It is, however, far to resist the rule of a Dublin Parliament. more likely that they would not meet with
that indulgence, but would be confronted III.
with that most appalling of all forms of The kind of resistance which the Prot-organized resistance a Quaker rebellion. estants of the north will offer to Home The Ulstermen would allow their goods to Rule can best be estimated by considering be seized, but what then? No one would the basis of that resistance. The Ulster- buy at the sales, and the Dublin Parliamen argue that, by whatever right the rest ment would find themselves spending of Ireland claims to withdraw from the thousands to raise a few pounds of taxarule of the Parliament at Westminster, by tion. We know what the tithe war did in that right Ulster can claim to remain una corner of a thinly inhabited Welsh der the direct rule of the Imperial Parlia- county. Though no public body was in. ment. " The Parliament of the United jured, it was felt that an impossible situaKingdom,” say the Ulster Protestants, tion was being created. Imagine the “has a right to make laws for us itself, effect not of a tithe but of a tax war, with but it has no right to hand us over against the combatants the proprietors of factories our will to another Parliament, and to en- and shipyards instead of small farmers. dow that Parliament with the right of | Meantime, Belfast and the north would
have been obliged to organize a voluntary quaint themselves on the spot with the system of government. The grand juries temper of the people of the north can be and the municipalities would afford the under no illusions in regard to this matter. framework, and all that would be required the suppression of the Belfast riots of would be a certain amount of filling in. A 1886 proved a most difficult task, though system of arbitration would be devised, on that occasion the municipality, the no doubt, to meet the difficulty that Ulster local magistrates, and all the better citi. could no longer recognize the Dublin zens worked with the utmost vigor and courts of law – it may be taken for devotion to stop the fighting. What would granted that, in the next bill, these would be the result of rioting in Belfast when all be put under the Dublin government - the leading men in the town and the whole and by this means the disputes and machinery of local government were endifferences that are certain to arise in a gaged, not on the side of the soldiers, but business community could be temporarily of the mob? During the late riots, mag. settled. The organization of a police istrates and well-known citizens rode with force would also have to be undertaken, the police because they knew that the but this need not be a matter of great rioters, out of liking for them, would not difficulty. Passive resistance, consisting fire, or walked up and down in the crowds in the ignoring of the Dublin Parliament persuading the people to keep the peace. and all its works, could hardly help being 1f, instead, the Protestant clergy and the successful. The Imperial Parliament leading citizens were helping the people, would be with difficulty persuaded to use it would take fifteen thousand troops, bat. its soldiers to collect Irish local taxes, and teries on Cave Hill, and gunboats in the so long as open riot was avoided there Lough, to hold down Belfast alone ; while would be no other excuse for dragooning to manage the whole of Ulster, fifty thouUlster. That the Ulstermen will afford sand men and a drum-head court-martial any excuse for the use of Imperial troops and the nearest tree for every rebel would I do not believe. The convention, and be required. No doubt we could put whatever permanent watching committee Ulster down and hold her down, but would may arise from it, will not be under Orange the result be worth having, looked at from control, and in its deliberations and deci- the least sentimental point of view possisions counsels of prudence are likely to ble? Granted that Home Rule had paci. prevail. Ulster will not fight till she is fied the south, and had made the Celtic attacked.
Irish loyal, it would have made the north bitterly hostile and disloyal, and only to
be restrained by military force. We But it may be said, the Parliament at should have shifted the area of rebellion, Westminster will not be able to tolerate that is all, and have made the strongest, the passive resistance of Uister. When richest, and most vigorous portion of the they see the laws passed at Dublin ig- Irish people our enemies instead of our nored, and when the Dublin Parliament friends. Judged, then, on mere grounds asks for help, they will have to do one of of expediency, and even admitting such two things – either repeal the Home Rule very doubtful premises as those which Bill, or else break down the passive re- assume that Home Rule will pacify the sistance by Imperial coercion. I cannot southern Irish and render them loyal, the help believing that the first alternative is proposal to reverse the policy of the Union the one which the Imperial Parliament is must be declared unwise. Atiis best it most likely to accept. If, however, they would be but a change of enemies. The adopt that of coercion, England will cer. existence of the two Irelands — the Iretainly be confronted with civil war in its land of the Protestant Teuton and the Ire. most dangerous and hideous form. As land of the Catholic Celt — the Ireland of long as the Imperial Parliament lets things idle thriftlessness and the Ireland of indriit, the Ulster men will remain loyal to dustry and enterprise - the Ireland of the connection with England. The mo. dreams and sentiment, and the Ireland of ment, however, the Imperial government seriousness and common sense -- forbids attempts coercion in earnest, Great Brit. the dissolution of the Union. In spite of ain will begin the manufacture of the bit the grumbling and the disaffection, no terest enemies she has ever had. The sincerely minded Englishman, whatever English people, as a whole, may not real- his politics, can fail to admit that the ize what a hostile Ulster would mean, but Union is the form of government " which those who have taken the trouble to ac- divides us least.” As long as the Union