it on, as well received as ever, and hold-ly avenged in the havoc of the Revolution. ing their evening coterie with undiminished applause.

"No one," observes the noble biographer, "whispered a syllable of suspicion, respecting a connection which all were fully convinced could be only of the most innocent kind." This French credulity is too simple for our credence. That a he and she philosophic pair should have lived in the same apartments for a dozen years with perfect innocency, may have been the case in Paris; but the story would not be believed in any less immaculate region on the face of the earth. The plain truth seems to be, that the general looseness of Parisian society saw nothing gross in the grossest connection. Even where they af fected virtue, they palpably preferred their having an evening lounge open to them, to any consideration grounded on common propriety and a sense of shame.

D'Alembert's income had been increased by his appointment to the office of secretary to the Academy, in 1772. Unfortunately for his literary fame, it became a part of his duty to write the éloges of the deceased members, an office which he fulfilled with equal diligence and unproductiveness; for, of those unfortunate performances he wrote no less than eighty-three. But the French are fond of fooleries of this kind; a few sounding sentences with them are biography; a few rambling sketches fill up the outline to their taste; and the whole forms a specimen of that eloquence which men are content to admire on the other side of the Channel.

At length his career drew to a close. Towards his sixty-fourth year, his health began to decline It had never been robust, though his habits had been temperate; but feebleness of stomach, and an organic But the philosopher was a dirty fellow disease, predicted the approach of his disafter all, and it only does credit to his noble solution. He died on the 29th of October, biographer's sense of propriety to admit, 1783, in the sixty-seventh year of his age. that "his conduct must seem strange to all Notwithstanding his feebleness of body, his men of right and honorable feelings." In intellectual vigor remained-thus adding fact, the philosopher seems to have lent his one to the many proofs of the distinct naaid very zealously to a correspondence car-tures of mind and body. In his intervals ried on by his sensitive fellow-lodger! with of ease, he continued to occupy himself a view to a marriage with a Spanish Mar- with mathematical investigations. With a quis Mora. Among other proofs, he went deplorable want of feeling, he talked with every morning to the post-office to receive levity of his approaching departure, an the Spaniard's letters for the lady. "I con event awful to the best, and, to the wisest, fess," says Lord Brougham, "I am driven, solemn in proportion to their wisdom. He how reluctantly soever, to the painful con- died in the fullness of that scientific repuclusion, that he lent himself to the plan of tation which he deserved, and of that liteher inveigling the Spaniard into a mar-rary reputation which he did not deserve; riage." And this was not the only instance but, by the combination of both, ranking of his by-play. Mademoiselle professed as the most distinguished intellectual name also to have fallen in love with a M. Gui- of Europe in his day. bert, known as a military writer. Guibert exhibited his best tactics, in keeping clear of the lady." All this time, she continued," says his lordship, " to make D'Alembert believe, that she had no real passion for any one but himself." No one can easily suppose that they were not connected in a plan of obtaining for her a settlement in life by marriage. But, if this marriage-intrigue was in every sense, and on all sides, contemptible, what are we to think of the nature of the connection existing between this sensitive lady and D'Alembert, living for years under the same roof? The whole matter would be too repulsive for the decorums of biography, if it were not among the evidences of that utter corruption of morals, and callousness of feeling, which were final

The life of a later philosopher, the unfortunate Lavoisier, gives Lord Brougham an opportunity of rendering justice to an eminent foreigner, and of vindicating the claims of his own still more memorable countrymen, Black and Watt. Chemistry is especially the science of the eighteenth century, as geometry was of the seventeenth. It is a characteristic of that great, however slow, change, which is now evidently in progress through Europe, that those sciences which most promote the comforts, the powers, and the progress of the multitude, obviously occupy the largest share of mental illustration. Of all the sciences, chemistry is that one which contributes most largely to the dominion of man over nature. It is the very handmaid of Wisdom, instructing

us in the properties of things, and continu- | placing us here, was evidently the perpetual ally developing more and more the secrets exercise of the human understanding. For of those vast and beneficent processes by that purpose were given the wants, and the which the physical frame of creation is ren- remedies of the wants, of man; for that dered productive to man. It must thus be purpose all sciences are perhaps inexhausti regarded as the most essential instrument ble; but of all, the most palpably inexhaustof our physical well-being. It takes a part ible, the most teeming with immediate rein all that administers to our wants and en-sults, and the most remedial as to human joyments. Our clothing, our medicine, our necessities, is Chemistry-fitted by its exfood; the cultivation of the ground, the sa- tent to supply the largest proportion of hulubrity of the atmosphere; the very blood, man objects, by its power to excite the most bone, and muscle of man, all depend on eager inquiry, and by its richness to rechemical evolutions. But it has its still ward the intelligent labor of man, to the loftier secrets; and the experimental phi- last ages of the world. losopher is constantly stimulated and delighted by his approach to at least the borders of discoveries which promise to give a nobler insight into the laws of matter; to exhibit more fully the mechanism formed and moved by the Divine hand; and to develope the glories of the universe on a scale continually enlarging, and continually more luminous.

Antoine Laurent Lavoisier was born in Paris in 1743, the son of one of the "farmers-general." As the office was nearly hereditary, and was proverbially connected with great opulence, the son of the rich functionary was highly educated. But science soon attracted all his study, and, devoting himself especially to chemistry, he made himself conspicuous among the leading philosophers of his time.

At the age of twenty-two, he presented to the Academy of Sciences an analysis of gypsum. At twenty-five he was admitted a member of the Academy, an unusually early age. In his next year he succeeded his father in his lucrative office. He then married the daughter of another farmer-general, and having made this provision for a life of luxury or public employment, with all that political ambition might offer in the old régime of France, he collected his books about him, shut himself up in his study, and gave up his time, fortune, and energy to the advancement of science.

A matchless source of interest in this most effective and essential of all the science is, that it seems capable of an infinite progress. The chemical philosopher cannot even conceive any limit to its variety, multitude, or utility of purpose. The more he discovers, the more he finds is still to be discovered. Every new property awakens him to the existence of some other property, more capacious and more profound. Every difficulty mastered, only leads him towards some deeper and more tempting problem. And, in addition to the ardor derived from this triumph of our intellectual ambition-as if all the incentives that can act upon man were expressly accumulated upon this pursuit-there is no science in which the actual triumphs are more directly connected with personal opulence. The invention of a new acid or alkali might create unbounded wealth. The discovery of a new principle of the most vulgar use for tanning leather, for extracting oils, for strengthening soap, for purifying tallow, might place the discoverer in possession of wealth beyond the dreams of But a loftier ambition may still find its field in this science. A chemical discovery might change the face of the world. Gunpowder had already changed the whole form of European society. A chemical discovery might give as the power of managing at our will the storm and the lightning, of averting the pestilence, or of insuring We hasten from the controversies to the fertility of the soil, and the regularity which the claim of priority in those distinof the seasons. The Divine intention in guished discoveries gave rise, and come to

After occupying himself for a brief period with geology, he commenced his chemical career by refuting the theories alike of Margraff and Stahl on the conversion of water into earth. The chemistry of the gases had made rapid progress in England; and the names of Black, Priestley, and Cavendish, had already attracted the attention of scientific Europe. Lavoisier followed in their track by a series of experiments in the calcination of metals, pursued with remarkable intelligence and industry. The biographer observes that he was now on the verge of two dazzling discoveriesthe composition of the atmosphere, and the identity of the diamond with carbon. But he stopped short, and left the glory to more fortunate investigators.

On this melancholy and desperate atrocity of republicanism, Lord Brougham makes the following remark, which, though natural in the lips of any human being, has double force as coming from one who has seen the operation of the revolutionary spirit on so large a scale, and during so extended a portion of his public career.

vered, were all destined to meet the reward with which the tyranny of vulgar faction is sure to recompense the good and the wise, as often as the base unlettered multitude are permitted to bear sway, and to place in the seat of dominion their idols, who dupe to betray, and finally punish them."

the more authentic services of Lavoisier. days to complete some experiments which He was appointed by the minister to super- were going on during his imprisonment, intend the royal manufacture of gunpowder, The scoffing answer of this merciless tribuwhich his chemical knowledge enabled him nal was, that the Republic had no need of greatly to improve. He next, by appoint-philosophers; and on the day after this senment of the National Assembly, drew up tence, the 8th of May, 1794, he was hurried his laborious and valuable memoir on the to the guillotine with no less than one hunTerritorial Wealth of France. He was dred and twenty-three other victims, who now appointed one of the commissioners of all died within a few hours. the treasury, and introduced an unexampled regularity into the public accounts. He aided the formation of the metrical system, the security of the assignats against forgery, and seems to have born an active part in every public matter in which practical science was concerned. In the mean time he employed himself in scientific agriculture, and set apart a tract of land on his "The lustre," he observes, "which the estate for experimental farming. His style labors of Lavoisier had shed over the scienof living in Paris was at once rational and tific renown of France, the valuable sersplendid. His house was open twice a-week vices which he had rendered her in so many for the reception of distinguished persons, important departments of her affairs, the both foreigners and natives, and especially virtues which adorned his character and if they brought with them the recommen- made his philosophy beloved as well as redation of scientific ability. With the finest philosophical apparatus in the possession of any individual in France, he was constantly carrying on experiments on his own account, or performing them for others whose means could not meet their expense. This conduct, united to remarkable amiability of manners, made him popular, and placed him at the head of French science in his day. But the evil time had come when opulence was to be a crime, and virtue was to be no longer a safe-guard. The democratic triumvirate of 1794 issued an order for the seizure of twenty-seven individuals who had been farmers-general before the revolution. The true charge was the crime of being opulent. The popular and ridiculous charge was, their having mixed deleterious ingredients with the tobacco. Lavoisier having received information that the order was about to be executed, fled, and remained for some days in concealment. On understanding that his flight might injure the other prisoners, and as his father-in-law was among them, he, with a rash reliance on the public justice, yet with mauly generosity, returned to Paris, and gave himself up to his oppressors. The course of the Revolution had been so palpably that of general plunder, that he had long expected the loss of fortune, and proposed, in case of ruin, to begin the world again, and live by the profession of medicine.

Lord Brougham justly reprobates the suspicious silence of the celebrated Carnot on this occasion, and the still more scandalous apathy of Fourcroix, who had been the pupil and panegyrist of the great chemist during many years. He acquits him of the deadly imputation, that he had even been instrumental in sending his master to the guillotine. But he praises, in contradistinction, M. Hallé, who had the honest courage to proclaim Lavoisier's public services before the dreadful tribunal, while he consigns the pulpit to perpetual scorn. He was murdered in his fifty-first year.

Lord Brougham's French predilections do credit to his sense of cosmopolitism; but he appears to us somewhat more disposed to conciliate the jealousy of his very irritable French confrères, than to deal rigorous justice. No man deserves the reputation of science but a discoverer. To know all that has been hitherto known on a subject, deserves the character of diligence; to promote the progress of a science by largeness of expenditure, or steadiness of exertion, deserves the praise of liberality and labor; but the man who adds to the science by original invention, who

enlarges its boundaries, and detects new if it had not trained him to be hanged. At principles, is the man alone to whom the three years of age he was stolen by travelname of genius can be applied. Lavoisier ling tinkers, a race resembling the gypsies, was, unquestionably, an important minister and which in that day formed a numerous of science; he possessed singular assidui- population in Scotland. But a pursuit ty, unwearied zeal, and remarkable sagaci- being speedily set on foot, he was fortuty. What these could do, he did; what nately recovered. He was well educated, knowledge could accomplish, he performed; and, after the routine of school, was sent to but the inventers were of another country, Glasgow for three years, where he obtained and of a higher order, and he must be con- an Exhibition to Baliol College. At Oxford tent with the honors due to imitation. Yet he remained for seven years, chiefly addicted he had considerable happiness in the diffi- to mathematics-a study, however, which cult art of communicating his knowledge. he subsequently wholly abandoned. He had His Treatise on Chemistry, though now su-been intended for the Church of England; perseded by subsequent arrangements, is but whether from dislike of its discipline, singularly clear; and no great teacher of or from disappointment in his views, he rechemistry has hitherto given the world a more striking example of exactness in detail, and clearness in conception.

tired to Scotland, to take his chance of employment in its colleges. In 1748 he settled in Edinburgh, and, for three years, read a course of lectures on rhetoric. His contemporaries, then obscure, became, in some instances, conspicuous; for among them were Hume, Robertson, and Wedderburne. In 1751, Smith was elected to the professorship of Logic in the University of Glasgow, which he soon after exchanged for that of Moral Philosophy.

His cruel death, too, may be almost said to have continued his services to society. It proved, with irresistible force, the true character of Infidel Revolution. It showed a noble-minded and benevolent man the victim of revolutionary rage; an intelligent, studious, and retired man, obnoxious to the rabble love of ruin; a mild, generous, and patriotic man, the instant prey of revolu- Thus far we run on smoothly with Lord tionary government, which boasted of its Brougham; but when he comes to discuss superiority to the vices of kings, of its hom-religion, we must occasionally doubt his age to intellect, and of its supreme value guidance. For example, in speaking of for the virtues of private life. Yet it mur- Smith's lectures on Natural Theology, he dered Lavoisier without a moment's hesita- denounces the jealousy of those who regard tion or a moment's remorse, and flung the it as other than the very foundation esfirst philosopher of France into a felon's sential to support its fabric." From this grave. opinion we totally dissent. It is perfectly The biography of Adam Smith gives true that natural religion and revelation Lord Brougham an opportunity of pouring are consistent with each other, as must be out, at the distance of nearly half a century, presumed from their being the work of the that knowledge of Political Economy which same Divine Wisdom. But their foundafirst brought him into notice. His Colonial tions are wholly distinct. Why did the Policy, a remarkable performance for a Jew believe the Mosaic revelation? Simstudent of eighteen, exhibited in miniature ply and solely, because it was delivered to the principles and propensities which his him with such evidences of supernatural long career has been expended in maturing origin, in the thunders of Sinai, and suband moulding. Adam Smith was the idol stantiated at subsequent periods by miraof all Scottish worship in the last century; cle and prophecy, that he must receive it and his originality of conception, the weight as divine. Why did the early converts reof his subject, and the clearness of his judg-ceive Christianity? Simply on the same ment, made him worthy of the elevation.

direct evidence applied to their senses. No apostle sent them to examine their notions of the Godhead, or left them to inculcate the doctrines of the gospel by their reason.

Adam Smith's birth was of a higher order than is often to be found in the instance of men destined to literary eminence. He was the son of a comptroller of the cus-But he declared his doctrine as a new truth, toms, who had been private secretary to Lord Loudoun, secretary of state, and keeper of the great seal.

An accident in infancy had nearly deprived the age of its first philosopher, even

and gave proof of its truth being divine, by working wonders palpably beyond the power of man. Of course, unless man knew what was meant by the power of the Deity, he could not have comprehended the sim

plest communication of the apostle. But power impregnable. Though there may we are speaking of the foundation of a be- be exceptions, such is the rule; and with lief-not the intelligibility of a language. this recollection of the established course We are entitled to go further still, and say, of things, we give all honor to the memory that the first idea of the being of a God was of the man, without whose patronage the itself a revelation-a much plainer solution world would probably have lost the ablest of the extraordinary circumstance, that so work of its century, the immortal Wealth lofty and recondite a conception should of Nations. have existed in the earliest and rudest ages In 1763, Smith was appointed tutor to of society, than to suppose that the antedi- the young nobleman, resigned his profesluvian shepherd, or the postdiluvian hunter, sorship, and went with his pupil to France. should have ever thought of tracing effects After a residence of a year and a half at and causes up to that extreme elevation, Toulouse, he travelled in Switzerland, and where a pure and supreme Spirit creates then, returning to Paris, spent ten months and governs the whole. We are entitled there. His French residence was peculiarly even to doubt whether the idea of Spirit fortunate. It rubbed off the rust of his sewas ever naturally conceived in the mind clusion; it introduced him to the best soof any human being, difficult as is the con-ciety of courtly life; and it brought him ception to a creature surrounded with ma- into direct intercourse with that whole cirteriality, with every thought derived from cle of active intellect and novel philosophy, his senses, and with the total incapacity of defining to this hour, or even imagining, the nature of Spirit. It will be fully admitted, that when the idea was once communicated, its reality was substantiated by the frame of nature, by the regularity, the extent, and the beneficence of the great physical system. But the origin was revelation. Lord Brougham quotes Tillotson; but the archbishop had earned his mitre by other means than the vigor of his understanding, and often trifles like other men.

which made the Parisian coteries at once the most bustling and brilliant of Europe. However the horrid profligacy of the court, and the contemptuous infidelity of high life, might have either disgusted the morals, or startled even the skepticism of the stranger, there can be no doubt of the interest which he felt in the society of such men as Turgot, Necker, D'Alembert, and Quesnay. Smith, some fifteen or twenty years before, had drawn up a sketch of the principles which he afterwards developed in his Wealth of Nations. Political economy was then beginning to take a form in French science. Whether it ever deserved the

In 1759, Smith published his Theory of Moral Sentiments-a work of skill and invention, but which has long since fallen into disuse with the intelligent world. It, name of science, or will ever deserve it, may however, had the rare good fortune of at- be a grave question. It depends upon such tracting the notice of an individual, pos- a multitude of facts, and the facts themsessed at once of the taste to honor, and the will to befriend, a man of original ability. The volume fell into the hands of the celebrated Charles Townsend, who proposed that the author should take charge of the young Duke of Buccleuch, whose mother, the dowager-duchess, he had married. Nothing in the life of Townsend was more honorable to him than this choice, not only for its judgment but for its rarity. The generality of men in possession of affluence think only of themselves, and would value the most common-place gratification more highly than the encouragement of the obscure genius, which wanted only that encouragement to shed a new lustre on its generation. The man of power in general feels its possession the primary object of his patronage, and sees no purpose in the immense opportunity given to him by his rank, but to obtain adherents, and make his

selves vary so perpetually, the "principles " derived from those facts are so feeble and fluctuating, and common experience so provokingly contradicts, from day to day, the most labored conclusions, that every new professor has a new theory, and every new theory turns the former into ridicule, itself to be burlesqued by the next that follows. This at least is known, that Fox declared his suspicion of the whole, saying, that it was at once too daring to be intelligible, and too indefinite to be reducible to practice. Even in our day, no two authors on the subject agree; all the successful measures of revenue and finance have been adopted in utter defiance of its dogmas; while all the modern attempts to act upon what are called its principles, have only convulsed commerce, shaken public credit, and substituted fantastic visions of prosperity for the old substantial wealth of England. No occupation