ation, but, like Erasmus, would have had it brought about by the recognized ecclesiastical authorities, and he was much displeased that Melanchthon went so far. In the Corpus Reformatorum,' vol. i., p. 646, there is a curious letter from Melanchthon to Spalatin, on the subject of this lost library. hermeneutical principles, should make the in- replied in a piece which left Eck no desire spired documents of Christianity the subject of to continue the controversy. Among other his exegetical prælections, should lucidly and convincingly develope their contents, and de- points he handled in it was the Roman vote his energies in every practicable form, proof text of Peter's primacy, (Matt. xvi. and with decisive earnestness, to the advance- 18,) on which he brought his earlier patrisment of the Reformation!-Matthes, 30. tic studies to bear with great acuteness. The piece procured for him, much against These expectations were fully realized. his will, the degree of bachelor of theology, Melanchthon's name and efforts opened a and a place in the theological faculty, with new era for the university. Students a salary of 100 florins; but cost him, no thronged thither from all parts of Germany, doubt, equally against it, the attachment of and even from other countries, on purpose Reuchlin, and the library which that hithto attend his lectures. Though in 1517, erto kind friend had promised to bequeath there had not been more than 200 students to him. Reuchlin was not averse to reforminscribed for all the classes, Spalatin says, that in 1520, Melanchthon's lectures were attended by 600 hearers at a time, which was more by one-third than attended Luther's. Herebrand, in his funeral oration for him, says, that he sometimes had as many as 2000 students, among whom were princes, counts, barons, and many of noble So severe was Melanchthon's application families. This extraordinary success re- to study during the years 1519-20, that his sulted partly from his untiring diligence in friends were in great concern about his his vocation, partly from his uncommon health. From this cause, principally, they attractiveness of disposition and manners, urged him to marry; and at length with partly, and principally, no doubt, from the success. On the 18th of August, 1520, he extraordinary union of information, scien- married Catharine Krapp, the daughter of tific depth, and aesthetic cultivation which the then Burgomaster of Wittemberg. adorned his prælections. But the greatest, Though he entered on this relation with after all, of the many beneficial results of reluctance, he never repented of it. his settlement in Wittemberg was the confidence which immediately grew up between him and Luther, and their strong mutual influence. By this means, Melanchthon learned to realize a higher view than he had, probably, ever before taken of his calling as a scholar, and to make every effort in some way or other subordinate to the progress of evangelical truth. Although he never entirely ceased from giving classical and philosophical instruction, and very reluctantly consented, in 1519, to become a member of the theological faculty, he immediately commenced with the Epistle to Titus, that course of New Testament expositions which diffused the seed of gospel truth as far as his name was known. The part he took in the memorable Leipzig disputation of 1519, though not admitted as a disputant, need not be here dwelt upon. This disputation had a powerful effect on himself in strengthening his attachment to the Reformation, and his resolution to assist its progress. A letter which he wrote to his friend Ecolampadius respecting it, having induced Eck to send forth an insolent answer to the "Wittemberg grammarian," as he termed him, Melanchthon When, in 1521, during Luther's seclusion in the Wartburg, private masses were abolished by the Augustinians in Wittemberg, Melanchthon was a member of the academical commission which sat upon the subject, and joined in recommending their disuse, but took no prominently active part. He has been depreciated, because, during the same period, he did not suppress the excesses of Storch and his companions, but with unreasonable severity. As a theologian, Melanchthon, was, at that time, comparatively a novice. The very discipline whereby he had attained his proficiency in letters and philosophy, was unfavorable to a hasty decision of new and previously unconsidered questions. To blame Melanchthon for not having manifested Luther's promptitude, is as unreasonable as it would be to find fault with Luther, because he never attained to Melanchthon's accuracy and grace. Non omnia possumes omnes. It may be admitted that Melanchthon deliberated too long, and that he suffered himself at first to be too favorably prepossessed by the fanatics, but had he done neither, he would, probably, have had but little influence in quelling the tumult they had raised. He was but a young man, younger by twelve or into enthusiasm, several of them were atfifteen years than Jonas, Carlstadt, or Ams-tended with considerable danger. Zwingle dorf. Besides this, he held no ecclesias- perished on the field of battle; but Melanchtical office, and though eminently skilled in philosophical disputation, he never felt that he had the talent of addressing popular assemblies. thon, though he died on his bed, was long and frequently engaged in conflicts of a much more painful character-conflicts into which the jealousies, the suspicions, In December, 1521, appeared the first and the calumnies of his brethren dragged edition of his Loci Communes,' the first him. Though not therefore-even in the published fruits of his theological profes- secondary sense in which Zwingle might be sorship. From the time that this came out termed one-a martyr, 'the sacrifices he until Luther's death, he was regarded as, made, and the trials he endured'-to quote next to him, the most prominent and influ- Hall's expressive eulogy of Brainerd and ential instrument of the reformation in Ger- Martyn- entitle him to the honors and remany. On his decease, Melanchthon was wards of a protracted martyrdom.' And the facile princeps of German theologians. herein, doubtless, lies the chief distinction The visitation and superintendence of of his labors from the incessant and painschools, as well beyond as within the limits ful preaching, authorship, and correspondof Electoral Saxony, were almost exclu-ence of Calvin, who, though he suffered sively confided to him, as the person best much from bodily infirmities, was, after his qualified by learning, tact, and moral influ- recall from Strasburg, with brief exception, ence to establish, reform, or direct them. the pride of his fellow-citizens, and the From the Diet at Augsburg, in 1530, which boast of the Reformed communion. Luther was not permitted to attend lest It may be said, that the peculiar troubles. Charles V. should regard his presence as of Melanchthon's later life were, in some an insult to his imperial crown and dignity, measure, his own fault. We were speaktill the colloquy at Worms, in 1557, he was ing of the fact, not of its cause; however, the principal advocate and representative of the point is worth inquiring into. But we the Protestant cause against the Roman must proceed methodically, and though it divines. During all this time, there was would be impracticable to consider even hardly a paper circulated by authority of the more important scenes of Melanchthon's any of the Electors of Saxony for the time being on doctrinal points, (and such papers were exceedingly numerous,) of which he was not the author. Besides these, he wrote treatises, commentaries, and letters, in almost incredible profusion. To sum up all in one brief sentence, it might, whether we regard his labors, or his sufferings, be said, that what Paul was among the apostles, Melanchthon was among the reformers. Excepting, Luther, Zwingle (who, however, was cut off at an earlier age) and Calvin, there is no one among them that approaches him, in the amount and variety of his public services. But though each of these may have done, or have endured, more than he in some one respect, his exertions and trials, as a whole, exceed those of either of them. life and labors in detail, we will review those of them which have provoked the strongest censure, commencing with the earliest. He was pusillanimous, it has been said, at Augsburg, in 1530, and all but betrayed the Reformation. On this point, we think, that even the more moderate historians have failed to exercise due discrimination. That with the management of the protestant cause almost exclusively on his own shoulders, he should look upon the issue with the most intense anxiety, will surprise no reasonable mind. We cannot wonder that this concern, connected as it necessarily would be with the reflection that an unprosperous issue of the business, should such arise, would be, in part at least, his If Luther's noble stand at Worms be ad- doing,-the consequence of measures conmitted to neutralize all comparison with sented to in ignorance of their result, or of any other single appearance of the reform- lapses of diligence, or care, or perspicacity, ers before the rulers, of this world, it should or firmness, or tact, or even just compliance not be forgotten how numerous were the oc- on his side,—would, with his conscientiouscasions on which Melanchthon was obligedness, amount at times almost to despair.to attend the Diet, or that, though none of And when such thoughts came on at interthose appearances were made under circum- vals, wave upon wave, deep calling unto stances which rendered him the object of deep, for several weeks, is it surprising that such personal interest, or stimulated him he should pour out his distresses in his cor VOL. VIII.-No. I. 39 respondence with Luther, or that his trou We suspect that this injustice has been ble and misgiving should even be discover- done to Melanchthon, under an unfair comed by his adversaries? Yet this is really parison. His behaviour has been contrastthe head and front of his offending. At-ed with that of Luther, at Worms. But tached from the deepest principle to the the circumstances are by no means paralcause of the Gospel, he never, for a mo- lel. Luther was cited to answer for himment, thought of sacrificing it. The points self; Melanchthon was the representative of order and practice, which he was willing and delegate of his prince and party. The to concede as the ransom of otherwise im- only question Luther had to consider was, prisoned and manacled truth, were points whether or not he would individually subon which his own mind was very imperfect- mit. Melanchthon had the religious interly convinced, and which, at any rate, he ests of nearly half the empire on his hands; considered as non-fundamental. And the and his assent or dissent was required as to anxiety which agitated him was not for him- the terms both of faith and practice, to self, but for the nation, and the church at which his partially enlightened countrymen large. It may be admitted, that he did not were to be henceforth restricted. Suppose act with unvarying decision, that he failed he had decided at once and irrevocato seize and hold, with firmness, the one bly, that no concession whatever should be exact alternative, which, had he realized it, made even in less fuudamental matters, as might have enabled him to possess his soul the maintenance of the bishoprics, for inin patience, and leave the result to God.- stance, and that war and confiscation, with All this may be admitted. But let not the all their horrors, had broken out in conseanguish which the prospect of others' mis- quence of the disruption caused by his deery, and the prostration of the Gospel in cision; would not many, whose consciences Germany as a possible result of his own were not at all concerned in these external remissness, or imprudence, or overstrained questions, but who had received the gospel impracticableness, be represented as pusil- in the love of it, have felt that the interests lanimity.* of religion, as they understood it, and certainly their own religious interests, had been sacrificed to a punctilious pertinacity? * Luther was in this respect more just than many who have written on it since, (see his Letters by De Wette, vol. iv. No. 1240,) though he errs (ib. No. 1235) when he compares Melanchthon's position at Augsburg with that of Huss at Constance. We could hardly desire a stronger proof of the fidelity and intrepidity with which Melanchthon defended the essentials of the gospel cause, than are afforded by the facts related in Veit Winsheim's funeral oration, and repeated in Selneccer's Historical Account of Luther's Life and Labors,' This,' says Matthes, who has abridged the statement, he showed, when, on the day after the [Augsburg] confession was read, he was appointed to consult with catholic dignitaries. On this occasion, without suffering himself to be in the smallest degree intimidated by peggio let fly at him, he answered his inquiry whether he would give way or not, with the greatest composure and firmness- We cannot give way or forsake the truth. We entreat, how ever, for God's and Christ's sake, that our opponents will not take offence at this, but that they will, as far as they can, discuss with us, and concede to us what we cannot give up with a good conscience.' When Campeggio heard this, he cried out-- Non possum non possum! clave non errante. Amidst all this thundering, though Master Philip stood as one amongst lions, wolves, and bears, who were ready to tear him to pieces, he had a great and mighty mind in his little I ody, and answered undauntedly- We commend our cause to God the Lord. If God is for us, who ean be against us? Come what will, we are prepared for good or adverse fortune.'-Matthes, p. 123. It was well known that he was often in the threats and fulminations which Cardinal Cam The There is a passage in Paley's Evidences,' which is of some interest in reference to this case. We shall be excused for quoting it. The truth is, there are two opposite descriptions of character under which mankind may generally be classed. one possesses vigor, firmness, resolution; is daring and active, quick in its sensibilities, jealous of its fame, eager in its attachment, inflexible in its purposes, violent in its resentments. The other meek, yielding, complying, forgiving; not prompt to act, but willing to suffer; silent and gentle under rudeness and insult; suing for reconciliation where others would demand satisfaction; giving way to the pushes of impudence; conceding and indulgent to the prejudices, the wrong-headedness, the intractability of those with whom it has to deal. The former of these characters is, and ever hath been, the favorite of the world. It is the character of great men. There is a dignity in it which universally considerable personal danger; but this never kept him away from any of the conferences at which his presence was necessary to the protestant cause, or prevented him, on many decisive occasions, from declaring his determination to maintain the truth at all hazards. commands respect. It is also easy, as easy indeed as it is gratuitous, to assert that if Melanchthon had displayed on this occasion the undaunted faith of Luther, all would have issued well. The reply is very simple: How was it that when, after the thirty years' war, Bohemia lay entirely at the Emperor's mercy, every vestige of protestantism was so speedily obliterated in that unhappy country? The most cursory reader of history will recognize in these sketches the diverse constitutional characteristics of Luther and Melanchthon. The protestant leader at Augsburg was, to a great extent, especially Should this defence be deemed unsatisin private matters, what the second sketch factory, we would remind our readers of an describes. But we must also insist that in instance, stated by Denon, and after him Melanchthon, while, in reference to private by Foster, in his essay on Decision of Charmatters, this disposition, though sometimes acter. Foster has justly observed, that the excessive, was never degrading, as respect- strongest trial of judgment occurs in cases ed public interests, it was always under the of urgency, where something must be done, control of prudence and of conscience.- and where the consequences of deciding, Nothing, as we shall presently show, could right or wrong, are of great importance. more decisively prove this than his conduct He first refers to the case of a physician with regard to the several points of doctri- treating a patient whose situation, while it nal difference which arose between himself renders strong means indispensable, also and the more rigid Lutherans. renders it extremely doubtful which ought There is, unquestionably, something very to be selected. A still stronger illustrasublime in Luther's strength of faith.-tion,' he observes, is the case of a general, Veit Deitrich tells us, that it was during who is compelled, in the very instant, to his seclusion at Coburg, at the time the make dispositions on which the event of a Augsburg negotiations were so deeply ha- battle, the lives of ten thousand of his men, rassing his friend, that he composed his fa- or, perhaps, almost the fate of a nation mous hymn, Ein Veste Burg ist unser may depend. He may even be reduced to Gott,' both words and air; and that he often choose between two dreadful expedients. played it for his relief. Speaking of the Such a dilemma is described in Denon's issue of the negotiations, he also, very much account of one of the sanguinary conflicts to the purpose writes to Melanchthon: between the French and Mamelukes, as 'The end and issue of the business terrifies having for a while held General Desaix, thee, because thou canst not comprehend though a very decisive commander, in a it... God has laid this up in a sure place, state of anguish.' Now let Melanchthon's which thou hast not in thy rhetoric, nor position be considered. Let the political even in thy philosophy: it is called faith, state of Germany, the mutual relations of in which all things are comprehended the emperor and pope, the irreconcilable which we either see or conceive of.' We divisions between the protestant party itself feel the truth of this. But shall we say respecting the Lord's Supper, and the subthat there is no truth in what Melanchthon tle manner in which the conditions of the said, when, being reminded of the strength papal and imperial party were proposed, in and consolation which Luther so frequently unconnected detail, and à plusieurs repriderived from prayer, he replied, 'If I do ses, and it will be evident that it was a ponot perform my part, I can expect nothing sition calculated to distract and overburden from God in prayer?' It is easy for the a mind no less decisive than Desaix's. unconcerned observer to ask, But why did he not ask help to do his part? We cannot for a moment imagine that Melanchthon neglected to do this. It may be that his anxiety too much controlled his faith in prayer. But it is evident, if we had no other proof of it than this expression, that a conscientious desire to do his duty, and a conviction that God ordinarily works by means appreciable by reason, were at the bottom of his deep distress. Evidences, Part II. c. ii. We pass on to Melanchthon's conduct in the matter of the Interim. As the histories of Drs. Waddington and Merle d'Aubigné do not, either of them, reach this period, we shall briefly narrate the circumstances to which we refer. After the fatal battle of Mühlberg, in 1547, and the capture and imprisonment of the Electors of Saxony and Hesse, the Emperor was, for a time, allpowerful in Germany, and protestantism lay prostrate at his feet. He therefore determined to enforce obedience in matters of purity, but in the article concerning the church, allowed the jurisdiction of the bishops over the entire clergy, only with the condition that they character, under which condition Luther himmust be bishops of an apostolical faith and self would have had no objection to recognize their right. The alterations in the order of religion, and for this purpose convened a diet, to decide upon some temporary arrangements which he would enforce till the decision of a general council, when all must submit without reserve. At this diet, a string of articles, prepared, as is supposed, under the sanction of the Margrave of Bran-service consisted (in addition to the change of denburg, by Julius von Pflug, the deposed Bishop of Naumburg, Michael Helding, the titular Bishop of Sidon, and the Brandenburg court preacher, Johann Agricola, were promulgated by an imperial edict, commanding their unconditional reception in all the protestant States. This was the celebrated Augsburg Interim. surplice, and the order that the candles on the altar should be lighted during divine service) in the following particulars:-confirmation was the baptismal covenants; extreme unction was restored, but only in the sense of a renewal of permitted; certain additional festivals were to be observed; and fasting was made obligatory, but under so many limitations that the ordinance was deprived of nearly all its importance.'-Galle, pp. 58-60. 'Few of the princes, in the face of all the resources which the emperor now possessed, had The bitterest reproaches were heaped either strength or courage to dispute his will; and a melancholy state of things overspread upon Melanchthon for the share he had in nearly the whole evangelical church. In bringing about this modified concession to southern Germany, the emperor enforced his the Interim. Yet it is difficult to see how, edict by his soldiery, and many hundreds of with his views of civil and religious duty, ministers who could not consent to receive an he could have acted otherwise than he did. adulterated doctrine, wandered with their From the opening of the deliberations, he wives and children up and down the country, without food or shelter. The elector Maurice, protested manfully against the smallest deof Saxony, [who had been nominated elector pravation of doctrine. In respect of cerein the room of the deposed John Frederic,] to monies, he allowed nothing which Luther prevent the same disorganization in his terri- had not repeatedly advised. The passing tory, prudently adopted a middle course. He of the modified articles at Leipzig, (thence resolved, as far as he should find it practicable, called the Leipzig Interim,) and the conto introduce [restore] the outward ceremonies firmation of the new liturgy, were accomwhich were ordered in the Interim, though without intending to impair in any way the panied with declarations on the part of substance of the truth. He, therefore, for- Maurice's commissioners, as to how they warded the articles to his divines, at the head were understood and should be carried out, of whom stood Melanchthon, for their consid- which removed almost every objection which eration, informing them that they might ap- was raised against them. And Melanchprove of as much of it as they could. After thon, through whose persevering remonseveral consultations, which led to no satisfac-strances it had been that the Pegau confertory result, and the most persevering efforts, he succeeded, in the spring of 1549, in introdu- ence had been broken up, because the cing a new liturgy. This retained the funda- bishops of Naumburg and Meissen saw that mental doctrines of protestantism in all their they could not reconcile the evangelical party to the doctrines of the Augsburg In* Galle, whose statement we have extracted, as terim, felt that, though some things had a specimen of his book, is not here so explicit as he should have been. The elector's directions to been done at Leipzig which he could have his divines at Pegau were, that they should com- wished otherwise, he could truly say— ply with every thing which was admissible with-Lipsica actio non facit in ecclesia mutaout detriment to the authority of the Holy Scrip- tionem, quia controversia de missa et catures.' The direction, as stated in the extract, none rejicitur ad alias deliberationes.' was indeed very authoritatively given at the Torgau conference; but this was a state convention, not a meeting of divines; and the reason by which it was then enforced was an appeal, not to the scriptures, but to the fears of the convention, the commissioners declaring that otherwise the country would be exposed to the greatest calamities.' When the Torgau articles were submitted to the divines, they were directed to improve them, but so that the emperor might see that in nothing pertaining to their obedience, which was consistent with a good conscience and God's word, would there be any deficiency on the part of the elector and his subjects.'-REV. The truth is that our reformer was, at this time, between two fires. One of the worst consequences of Luther's dogmatism, and the undisputed authority which he had exercised over his party, was the tenacity with which the more sanguine and choleric of his adherents cleaved to even his extreme opinions. Hence every suspected deviation, however slight, became the occasion of alarm and controversy; and points of comparative indifference were discussed with a |