ma in which the Houses are placed; and, accordingly, he brought in a bill for what he called remedying the evil, and supplying this glaring defect in the code of Privilege. But other champions of Privilege hold this proceeding of his Lordship in perfect abhorrence, and regard it as at once and for ever abandoning the whole of their claims and principles. So we shall hear no more of Lord Campbell's bill, and the argument which it was designed to meet must remain unanswered, as it is unanswerable.

will not be lost on our leading public men. Our earnest and sincere remonstrance would not have been thus urged, had we not been actuated by this conviction. If we had been required to state the worst consequences which the unlimited claim of Privilege could produce, we should have been disposed to say, It may even interpose to obstruct the free course of justice, and the due execution of the laws.' This consequence has ensued, but in a moment of haste and inflammation. Without any stretch of imagination, it may be multiplied indefinitely, and be found in a short time actively interfering with all the interests of every class. We do not, however, rest our argument on any examples-we rest on the general principle. M. Guizot does not warn against slavery by a specification of the calamities and crimes which it may engender; but denounces it in the general as ce mal des maux, cette iniquité des iniquités. So say we of Arbitrary Power, in all its forms, and under all its disguises.

Party politics are wholly foreign to this discussion. Both parties have sinnedboth have suffered; yet the Whigs of former times could boast that Privilege was asserted by them in furtherance of popular rights-defying and resisting an unconstitutional system attempted by the Crown. Their denunciation and persecution of the Abhorrers, of James Duke of York, of the Earl of Danby, had this redeeming quality. If they could not always maintain the precise issues which they raised, their cause was the cause of liberty and justice. Since the Revolution, when their efforts were crowned by securing the dominion of the laws, and the independence of the judges, they opposed, with all their might, the imprisonment of Colepeper and of Paty; and the monstrous career of iniquity recorded CHARACTER AND WORKS OF MELANCHunder the title of Ashby v. White. With all the powers of argument, eloquence, and sarcasm, they exposed the proceedings by which Wilkes was hunted down. The only exception to this praise, is the ungenerous vote which consigned the two Judges to Newgate for having faithfully discharged their duty.

Considering the part which this Journal has taken during so many years in the discussion of public affairs, we have not felt ourselves justified in being silent when we have seen a great change introduced, which we believe to be most unfavorable to our free institutions, and to the general interests of liberty. Nor could we hesitate as to the part which we ought to take. Much might be added to what we have now advancedmany of our materials might be placed in different lights. But we were not idle when the first ground for alarm was given; nor can we slumber now, when it has threatened a new and more practical danger.

Sincerely believing that the moderation and good sense which now regulate public affairs have been diverted by particular circumstances from giving due weight to these important considerations, we trust that they

From the British Quarterly Review.

THON.

(1.) Veruch einer Charakteristik Melanchthon's als Theologen, und einer Entwickelung seines Lehrbegriffs, von FRIEDRICH GALLE. (On the Characteristics of Melanchthon as a Theologian, and the development of his Doctrinal System: an Essay, by FRIEDRICH GALLE). Halle, 1840. Zweite wohlfeilere. Ausgabe, (Second, cheaper edition,)

1845.

(2.) Philipp Melanchthon, sein Leben und Wirken aus den Quellen dargestellt, von KARL MATThes. (The Life and Labors of Philip Melanchthon, represented from the original documents, by KARL MATTHES.) Altenburg, 1841.

THE first mentioned of these works is one to which the theological faculty of Halle adjudged the first place among several essays, written, on their invitation, in 1837, respecting the changes which took place in Melanchthon's doctrinal opinions. The second is, we presume, a purely spontaneous production. Both of them unquestionably owe their existence to a growing con

viction that the character and merits of Melanchthon, though clearly such as Germany is, of all nations perhaps, best able to appreciate, had not of late years received that consideration from his countrymen to which they were intrinsically, on so many grounds, entitled.

cated reader, appeared between the work of Camerarius and the two books enumerated at the head of this article, except a Dutch biography by Abraham vande Corput, published in 1662, and the well-known English life of him, by Dr. F. A. Cox.

It is not our intention to discuss the It is indeed true, that from the year points of variance between the crypto-Cal1574, when the Wittemberg divines issued vinists of Germany, and their rigid Luthertheir "Exegesis perpetua controversiæ de an opponents, or to give any lengthened decœna domini," until nearly the close of the tails respecting the sacramentarian, synereighteenth century, the extraordinary ser- gistic, and adiaphoristic controversies, vices and merits of Melanchthon were ob- which raised so thick a mist of obloquy scured by a dark cloud of prejudice and around the illustrious reformer's name. calumny throughout the Lutheran States. Those who desire fuller information than The spirit of reproach and opposition which is supplied by the compendious narratives had so much embittered his later years, of Mosheim, Hase, and Guerick, will find was by that publication roused to the high- ample satisfaction in the pages of Schrockh est pitch. His friends and followers, who and C. W. F. Walch. We necessarily look before had enjoyed the particular favor of upon those controversies from a different the Electoral court of Saxony, were now point of view to that assumed by either of deposed and imprisoned. His theological the conflicting parties. Besides, we feel at doctrines, so far as they deviated from the this moment but a secondary interest in most rigid Lutheranism, were condemned them. They concern us now, only as, in and suppressed. His fame and services common with other facts relating to Mebecame the prey of his long embittered and now infuriated enemies. To such lengths did the feeling against him reach, that, in 1610, his "Loci communes," which had for years been gradually going out of use, were, by an order of the Elector, superseded by a compendium of Leonhard Hutter's, bearing the same title. It is even said that the orthodox zeal of Hutter so far carried him away, that at a public disputation he tore down Melanchthon's portrait from the wall of the apartment, and trod it under foot. Excepting in the brief biographical sketches of Melchior Adam, the impartiality of which is their chief excellence, and the cursory notices of Juncker,* nothing appears to have been done to restore the public credit of Melanchthon, till 1760,ination. when the day of his decease was again, for the first time, commemorated. Yet even then the feeling against him had but partially subsided; for when Strobel, in 1777, re-edited Camerarius' life of him, enriched with valuable notes, the work was attacked with unquenchable virulence by Gotze, the well-known adversary of Lessing. Astonishing as it may seem, and really is, no memoir of Melanchthon, adapted to the edu-ed world is yet waiting for the completion of Bretschneider's important work, usually * Das guldene und silberne Ehrengedächtniss quoted in Germany under its general title des theuren Gottess-Lehrers, D. Martini Lutheri, of 'CORPUS REFORMATORUM,' though bear&c., 1706, pp. 562. Juncker also published, in 1719, a Latin work, intituled, Vita M. Lutheri ing also the more special one of 'Philippi nummis atque iconibus illustrata,' pp. 432, which Melanchthonis Opera, quæ omnia.' This elaborate undertaking has

we have not seen.

lanchthon, they supply the matter necessary to a correct appreciation of his principles, character, and claims upon the gratitude of posterity. To form such an estimate is not by any means an easy task. Much, indeed, both of Melanchthon's history and character is obvious to all. It lies on the surface of every historical compendium relating to the German Reformation. But to obtain an accurate idea of his intellectual and moral character, to trace up the development and causes of his theological convictions, to unfold the reasons of various passages of his public life, and to form a true estimate of his influence on the men and institutions of his own and subsequent ages, requires careful study and no small discrim

We do not profess to solve these problems here. We do not even think that all the materials available for their solution are yet in possession of the public. But the works before us supply some facts which have not, to our knowledge, been related in any previous narrative; and, for this reason, though neither of them is free from great blemishes, we have thought it well to introduce them to our readers. The learn

supersunt

now reached the twelfth volume, and is in should probably not err in ascribing her high esteem both for the large number of son's entire freedom from asceticism, not previously unpublished documents which exclusively to the more liberal spirit inthe editor's diligence has brought to light,duced by his classical and philosophical and the acumen with which those docu- studies, but, in some measure at least, to a ments have been deciphered and assigned temperament derived from her, and to their respective dates and places. Some strengthened by the sympathetic influence of the newly published letters have shed so of her example and instructions in his early much light on particular transactions of years.

Melanchthon's life, that, with the prospect After receiving some instruction in the there is of our possessing not only more of free-school of his native town, Melanchthe same quality, but probably nearly all thon, with his younger brother and an unof his remains that ever will be rescued cle of nearly his own age, was provided from oblivion, it would be unwise to speak with a private tutor by his maternal grandwith entire confidence on certain points. father. Under this tutor, who is described We are not anxious to pronounce a judg- as very superior to most of the teachers of ment which might be reversed. Still we his time, and to have grounded his pupils must be guided by the information we pos- very carefully, and drawn them out by consess, till more perfect knowledge is ob- tinual questioning, he made considerable tained; and besides this, there are in all progress, especially in his grammatical stuhistorico-moral questions, some matters dies. And no wonder, for to the diligence which admit of a safe and equitable judg- and strictness of the master, who, as Mement, without waiting for the last details lanchthon afterwards said, 'dabat plagas of evidence. The peculiar point of view mihi, et tamen ea moderatione quæ erat which is sometimes indicated to the mod-conveniens," were added corresponding ern observer by the relation in which his diligence and the most promising gifts on own age and its prominent characteristics the part of the scholar. Melanchthon is restand to the spirit of the times in which the ported to have been as sharp a disputant at object of his contemplation lived and acted, this time as even the schoolmen could have will not unfrequently supply a calculus ad- desired to see. In school hours, as he equate to the solution of not a few intricate himself says, there was no end to questions and long-disputed questions. We are mis- on his part, and when school was over, he taken if this will not be found the case with would get several of his young friends toregard to some of the most perplexed dis-gether, to dispute with them on what he cussions in which the subject of this paper has been involved.

had just read and learned. Also when travelling scholars, as they were called, Philip Melanchthon, or, as he was called came, as was sometimes the case, to Bretin childhood, Philip Schwartzerd, was born tin, he seldom allowed them to depart withon the 16th of February, 1497, at Brettin, out holding a literary passage of arms' a pleasant little town in the lower Palati- with them, from which he frequently came nate, not far from where Carlsruhe has off conqueror. Thus he continued, till he since been founded. His father was an had nearly completed his 11th year, when armourer in high repute, and enjoyed the he lost, first his grandfather, and shortly patronage, not only of the Elector Palatine afterwards his father, and was removed with and other princes and nobles, but also of the his two companions to the Latin school at Emperor Maximilian, who on one occasion Pforzheim. Here he had Symon Grynæus testified his satisfaction with his services for a schoolfellow, and Georg Simler, the by granting him a coat of arms. It is of rector of the school, and afterwards distingreater moment, in exhibiting the develop-guished as a jurist, for his principal inment of his son's character, to notice that structor.† he was a remarkably upright, generous, and conscientious man. It is indeed hard to say whether Melanchthon derived more of his constitutional character and disposition from his father or his mother. He appears to have possessed his father's earnestness and charity, without his superstition: and as his mother, with all her strictness, was a sociable and cheerful woman, we

At the time of which we are speaking, several of the grammar schools of Germany

*

Explanatt. Evangel. dominic. iii. 384, where there is more to the same purpose.

Melchior Adam has applied to Simler the passage just now quoted from Melanchthon's Melanchthon intended his first tutor, Unger, in Explanationes; that reference.

but there can be little doubt that

The tradition is not improbable, though, as an explanation, it is unnecessary, for the names of many of the scholars and reformers of the sixteenth century show that such a change of name was not unusual. Classical names were probably, like modern coats of arms, more frequently assumed than conferred. When borne, however, as that of Phililp Schwartzerd was, at the suggestion of one of the most distinguished brethren of the craft, such designations are truly badges and augmentations more honorable than those of heraldry. To one who has in idea followed Melanchthon through his subsequent career of labor and attainment, it requires no great play of fan

were enjoying a most auspicious revival. The trite, mechanical exercises in monkish Latin were giving way to others more favorable to the sharpening of the intellect, the excitement of a genuine thirst for knowledge, and the cultivation of a truer and a purer taste. In these advantages Melanchthon largely shared. Simler had been a pupil of the celebrated Dringenberg, of Schlettstadt, and having under his tuition acquired what was, for the time, a considerable knowledge of Greek, delighted to imbue a few of his best scholars with this his favorite acquirement. It may be imagined that Melanchthon was neither neglected nor neglectful. Surmounting all the difficulties inseparable from the rudimental cy to conceive of him as conscious from training of the time and the dearth of books -for these were still scarce in Latin, much more in Greek, and were therefore frequently written out piecemeal by students he exerted himself with such intense industry and success, that he soon outstripped all his companions, and when he proceeded to the University, acquired almost immediately the name of THE GRECIAN.

that memorable evening, if not of a new, yet of a powerfully quickened impulse; just as the noble stripling of still earlier days, newly dubbed by some distinguished champion, and watching his armor through the night before the altar of his ancestral chapel, felt amidst the darkness and terrors he was called to brave, that he was now more of a man than before.

From Pforzheim, after two years' residence there, Melanchthon went to Heidelberg, where he matriculated the 13th of October, 1509. Here he continued his

Dionysius, though at a considerable disadvantage, as the old methods were still retained, and the Greek and Roman languages were little valued in comparison with the school logic and metaphysics. He took his bachelor's degree in 1511, soon after he had completed his fourteenth year. In Heidelberg, his proficiency was so marked, that when the Greek professor was ill, he was required to supply his place. Having announced himself as a candidate for the master's degree in 1512, and being refused examination on account of his youth, he

"The most important circumstance connected with his stay at Pforzheim was, however, beyond all question, his good fortune in becoming known to one who, by his learning and reputation, was destined to exert a most decid-Greek studies under Reuchlin's brother, ed influence upon his whole future life. We mean the great John Reuchlin, who was now living in Wirtemberg as the President of the Suabian dictrict court, and often visited Pforzheim, his native town, where at his sister's house, he first saw the young Philip Schwartzerd. Attracted by the liveliness and talent of the boy, he used on these visits to converse with him in an amiable, friendly manner; and when he noticed the pains which the lad took to gratify him continually more and more, he conceived quite a fatherly affection towards him, called him his son, put his doctor's cap upon his head, gave him several rare books, a Greek lexicon and grammar; and, according to a usage of those times, exchanged his German removed in the autumn of that year to Tufamily name for the Greek synonyme Melanch-bingen, where he matriculated on the 17th thon; an act which he intended as his solemn of September. introduction and initiation into the republic of letters.'-Matthes, p. 12.

In Tübingen, Melanchthon greatly enlarged his sphere of study. He not only attended the Greek and Latin professors, There is a tradition that Reuchlin, who but, as required by the university, entered, had himself been similarly inducted into under Lempus, on the comparatively barthe society of the learned-his family name ren field of scholastic theology. Induced, being turned into Capnio by Hermolaus probably by former personal attachment, he Barbarus-was induced to confer this free- also attended the course on jurisprudence dom of Plato's republic on his young friend, of his old master Simler, who had become in consequence of a Latin comedy which, professor of that science. Besides these, with the aid of his school-fellows, Melanch-he devoted a considerable portion of time thon had got up for his entertainment. for three years to mathematics of which

he was in after-life very fond, and even paid some attention to medicine. Various manuscripts from his own hand have been preserved to our times, which attest both the variety of his studies at Tübingen, and the intense ardor with which they were pursued. He obtained his master's degree on the 25th of January, 1514, having the first place allotted to him among eleven candidates, and immediately afterwards commenced his almost unrivalled career of public instruction, as a privatim* docens, or licensed university lecturer, upon the ancient clas

sics.

We have been thus copious on the subject of Melanchthon's early training, because, though less perfectly known than his subsequent career, some knowledge of it is necessary to the appreciation of certain valuable points in his character. The energy and self-reliance which he displayed as a student, we believe to have been, with one or two well known exceptions as respects the latter quality, of eminent use to him in after-life. They were rather veiled, than suppressed by that remarkable caution, which so greatly distinguished him afterwards, and which, in conjunction with them, rendered such signal service, on several occasions, to the cause of the Reformation.

his learning at this period there is none more remarkable, or more honorable to him, than that borne by his former tutor, Simler, who must have known him thoroughly. Simler's words are: Quotquot ibi essent docti homines, non esse tam doctos, ut intelligerent, quanta esset doctrina ejus, qui inde evocatus discederet. He had, indeed, fully established his reputation, not merely by his academical lectures, but by his Terence (Tübingen, 1516,) his Greek Grammar, (1518,) and several other publications. No wonder, therefore, that Reuchlin, in the letter which communicated to him the Elector's invitation, should, after quoting the promise to Abraham: Depart from this country, and from thy kindred, to a land which I will show thee, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing,' in the overflowing of his affection add: This says the spirit to me; and this hope have I of thee, my Philip, my work and my consolation !'

In Wittemberg, Melanchthon found an ample field for the exercise of his talents. The applause with which his inaugural lecture was received, and the impression which it made on Luther's mind, are very generally known; for they have been told by Dr. Merle d'Aubigné. The cause of Luther's satisfaction is strikingly, though too exclusively perhaps, explained by Matthes :

During Melanchthon's residence at Tübingen, the celebrated quarrel arose between Reuchlin and the Dominicans of Co- 'What a joyful event, therefore, must Melogne. In this quarrel, Melanchthon was of lanchthon's arrival in Wittemberg have been to considerable service to his patron, by writ- stood by his side, he could not promise himself him. For though the theologians there already ing pieces in his defence, and in other from any one of them such able assistance as ways. There thence ensued a continual he looked for from the thorough philological interchange of visits between them, which discipline, and the admirable faculty of expresmust have exerted the most beneficial in- sion, which this young scholar united to his fluence on the young professor's mind. It deep and various knowledge. What progress also brought about the call to Wittemberg, might not the pure doctrine of the gospel make, which Melanchthon, at Reuchlin's recom- Reuchlin and Erasmus, with pre-eminent lin'when such a man, furnished, in the school of mendation, received from the Elector Fred-guistic acquirements, and guided by sound eric of Saxony, in 1518. Reuchlin, in his recommendation, does not hesitate to say, that he knew not any scholar who was even then superior to Melanchthon, except Erasmus. Erasmus' admiration of him, publicly recorded in his annotations on the New Testament, as early as the year 1516, is well known. But of all the testimonies to

Privatim, in this connexion, does not signify that the instructions are private, but that the instructor, though he must be licensed, is self-appointed, not placed by the government.

It is probably not so well known, that there is a copy of these annotations in existence which formerly belonged to Melancthon, and in which

เ

this memorable passage has been underlined, and is accompanied with a note in the marginMentio Philippi Melanchthonis fit,' in the usual Italian script, because of the remarkable diversity Italian script of the reformer. We have said usual which is apparent in Melanchthon's writings at different times. This note, however, to those who know the reformer's hand, speaks for itself. A fac-simile of it is given in Mr. Leigh Sotheby's Observations on the Handwriting of Philip Melanchthon,' pl. xiv. ii. 3. In the preface to the same work there also occurs an extract, (translated from the Corpus Reformatorum, vol i. p. 27,) from a letter of Reuchlin's to the Elector respecting the zonveyance of Melanchthon's books, which is highly curious. It shows that Melanchthon had then a good library, and made much of it.