APPENDIX A.

FROM A REVIEW OF GIANNONI'S POEM, "THE EXILE.”

(From the Indicatore Livornese, 1829.)

EXILE! He who first devised

this punishment had neither father, mother, friend, nor lover. He sought to revenge himself on his fellow-men by saying to them: Be you accursed in exile, as I have been by nature! You shall be orphans, and die the death of the soul. I take from you father, mother, lover, and country, all but the breath of life; so that you may wander like Cain throughout the universe, and the iron of despair may enter your souls. The malediction was accomplished. The curse is working now upon thousands who have provoked it, even as Prometheus provoked the vengeance of Jove. And the human justice that pronounces this curse utters it as if it were a benefit to one whom it might deprive of existence. But if they who weigh so lightly those affections which are the life of life could number the pulsations of the heart thus torn from its country, the sighs of an existence thus left without a present and without a future, and concentrated in memory alone; could they hear the cry of solitude that bursts from the depths of the exile's soul when the memory of all he has lost-the image of his loving mother, the faces of his fellow-citizens, and the form of the virgin of his love, pass like mocking phantoms before him; could they read the dark thoughts that pass like storm-clouds over his spirit, until its divine ray is obscured by a multitude of wild and disordered visions; the

anguish of despair that poisons the springs of life, and the fever that undermines it, they would surely pause ere they doomed their fellow-man to the curse of the fratricide.1 Tremendous is the power society arrogates to itself when it effaces from the book of life a name inscribed therein by the finger of God, and consigns his work to the executioner. But life is a mystery which the living comprehend not; the dread of destruction, by stupefying the faculties, may lessen the grief, and one blow of the axe cuts short every desire, affection, hope, or terror; but the exile, throughout his torture of a thousand hours, lives-lives in all the energy of his strength, in all the fullness of his sensibilities, and no shaft of sorrow's quiver is spared to him. From the utterance of that fatal word, he wanders through the world like a rudderless ship upon the ocean, without idea or aim; driven hither and thither by the winds and waves of chance.

He wanders over many lands, passes through many cities, among men of many climes; ever a stranger to their hopes and joy. His soul is full of love, for he is of the land of Raffaelle and Torquato, where the first breath of infancy and the sigh of love are one; his lips are moved to smiles,

God send us tears rather than such smiles,-meaningless, joyless, fleeting, and chill as the shudder that convulses the dying. His hand clasps the hands of other men, for his heart is open to benevolence and gratitude; but in that heart is a void - a void that nought can fill, nought but the father-land. How often does he watch the clouds moving onwards towards his country, while the silent tears steal over his cheek, to think they will sweep across her heavenly sky. How often has he invoked death, murmuring, Hast thou forgotten me? but the very tomb is doubly cold when a foreign soil covers the dead within, and death, who appears like an angel of glory on the battle-field, and often like an angel of consolation to those who expire in the

1 Vagus et profugus eris super terram. - Liber Genesis.

arms of their kindred, glares like a hideous skeleton, darkening the pillow of him who expires in a foreign land. Ah, bitter is exile to him on whom nature has bestowed a heart formed to feel the blessings of a country!

APPENDIX B.

CARBONARISM.

MAZZINI, Writing in 1861 of the political ideas at work in the insurrections of 1831, gives the following diagnosis of Carbonarism :

Carbonarism appeared to me to be simply a vast liberal association, in the sense in which the word was used in France during the monarchies of Louis XVIII. and Charles X., but condemned by the absence of a fixed and determinate belief to lack the power of unity, without which success in any great enterprise is impossible. Arising during the period when the gigantic but tyrannous Napoleonic unity was tottering to its fall, amid the ruins of a world; amid the strife between young hopes and old usurpations; and the dim foreshadowings of the people opposed to the records of a past the governments were seeking to revive; Carbonarism bore the stamp of all these diverse elements, and appeared in doubtful form amid the darkness diffused over Europe at that critical period. The royal protection it encountered at its outset, and indeed so long as there were hopes of using it as an instrument of warfare against imperial France, had contributed to give the institution an uncertain method of action which tended to divert men's minds from the national aim. True it is that on seeing itself betrayed it had cast off the yoke, but preserving unconsciously some of its former habits, and above all a fatal tendency to seek its chiefs in the highest spheres of society, and to regard the regeneration of Italy rather as

the business of the superior classes than as the duty of the people, sole creators of great revolutions. It was a vital error, but inevitable in every political body wanting a sound religious faith in a great and fruitful principle, supreme over all the changes of passing events.

Now Carbonarism had no such principle. Its only weapon was a mere negation. It called upon men to overthrow it did not teach them how to build up a new edifice upon the ruins of the old. The chiefs of the Order, while studying the national problem, had discovered that although all the Italians were agreed upon the question of independence, they were not so upon the question of unity, nor even upon the meaning to be attached to the word liberty. Alarmed at this difficulty, and incapable of deciding between the different parties, they chose a middle path, and inscribed Liberty and Independence upon their banner. They did not define what they understood by liberty, nor declare how they intended to achieve it: the country, they said, and by the country they meant the upper classes, the country will decide at a future day. In the same spirit they substituted the word union to that of unity, thus leaving the field open to every hypothesis. Of equality they either did not speak, or in so vague a manner as to allow every man to interpret it according to his own views, as political, civil, or merely Christian equality.

Thus did the Carbonari begin their work of affiliation, without affording any satisfactory issue to the doubts and questions then agitating men's minds, and without informing those whom they summoned to the struggle what programme they had to offer to the people in return for the support expected from them. Numerous recruits were enrolled from all classes; for in all there were numerous malcontents, who desired no better than to prepare the overthrow of the existing order of things; and also because the profound mystery in which the smallest acts of the Order were enveloped exercised a great fascination over

the imagination of the Italians, always impressionable to excess. A sense of its being necessary to satisfy the tastes of the immense body of members composing the various grades of their complex and intricate hierarchy, had suggested the adoption of a variety of strange and incomprehensible symbols which concealed the absence of any real doctrine or principle. But they were in fact rather used to protect the hierarchy from inquisition than adopted with a view to action; and hence the orders of the chiefs were feebly and tardily obeyed. The severity of discipline was more apparent than real.

The society had, however, reached a degree of numerical strength unknown to any of the societies by which it was succeeded. But the Carbonari did not know how to turn their strength to account. Although the doctrines of Carbonarism were widely diffused, its leaders had no confidence in the people; and appealed to them rather to attain an appearance of force likely to attract those men of rank and station in whom alone they put their trust, than from any idea of leading them to immediate action. Hence the ardor and energy of the youth of the Order of those who dreamed only of country, the republic, war, and glory in the eyes of Europe· was intrusted to the direction of men, not only old in years, but imbued with the ideas of the empire; cold precisionists, who had neither faith nor future, and who, instead of fostering, repressed all daring and enthusiasm. At a later period, when the immense mass of Carbonari already affiliated, and the consequent impossibility of preserving secrecy, convinced the leaders of the necessity for action, they felt the want of some stronger bond of unity; and not having a principle upon which to found it, they set themselves to seek it in a man a prince. This was the ruin of Carbonarism.

Intellectually the Carbonari were materialist and Macchiavellian. They preached the doctrine of political lib