Yet it is in these dear intimacies, beyond all others, that we must strive and do battle for the truth. Let but a doubt arise, and, alas! all the previous intimacy and confidence is but another charge against the person doubted. "What a monstrous dishonesty is this if I have been deceived so long and so completely!" Let but that thought gain entrance, and you plead before a deaf tribunal. Appeal to the past; why, that is your crime! Make all clear, convince the reason; alas! speciousness is but a proof against you. If you can abuse me now the more likely that you have abused me from the first." For a strong affection such moments are worth supporting, and they will end well; for your advocate is in your lover's heart and speaks her own language; it is not you but she herself who can defend and clear you of the charge. But in slighter intimacies, and for a less stringent union? Indeed, is it worth while? We are all incompris, only more or less concerned for the mischance; all trying wrongly to do right; all fawning at each other's feet like dumb, neglected lap-dogs. Sometimes we catch an eye-this is our opportunity in the ages and we wag our tail with a poor smile. "Is that all?" All? If you only knew! But how can they know? They do not love us; the more fools we to squander life on the indiffer ent. offer of two millions, and Mr. Stanhope's demand for the right to borrow ten millions, will speedily produce an irresistible feeling in Parliament, that Indian finance must at any hazard be remodelled. Nor is there much doubt that the modus operandi ultimately adopted will either be the de-' spatch of an accomplished English financier as minister of finance, or the selection of a financial governor-general, with special instructions and special powers. The remaining alternative, that of sending out a financial commission, though it will be strongly pressed, involves too much delay, would probably not be effectual, except in collecting a body of information most of which already exists, and would be strongly resisted by the official class in India, who would think it a commission of investigation into their mistakes. They would declare that government was impossible while an English commission was on the spot to listen to all complaints. The first plan is the more probable one. It is justified by precedent, for Mr. James Wilson, who was sent out in 1858, did undoubtedly extricate the treasury from its difficulties, and place it once more in a sound position. Precedent has great influence on governments, and so has convenience, and it is easier to find a financier fit to control the Indian treasury, than one who is also fit to govern the whole empire. Moreover, the prejudice in favor of selecting the viceroy from among the peers is strong, and can be defended by many plausible arguments; and there is scarcely any peer available who could be trusted to regulate a very complicated, very unsound, and very difficult system of finance. Peers learn statesmanship very often, but they seldom have either the opportunity or the inclination to study finance. Nevertheless we believe it to be essential that the financier should be the viceroy, and we propose to point out why this is the only practicable method of securing the indispensable reforms. In the first place no financier sent out to India merely as a member of the Indian Cabinet can possess the necessary authority to effect any important changes. He has, so to speak, no authority of his own, all legal power being vested in the viceroy, who is king and premier too, like an American president. His colleagues, each of whom is really, though not nominally, head of a great department, are naturally impatient of his interference, and he is obliged to enforce his views either by argument, which is a slow process, or through the viceroy, with whom rests, and must rest, all substantial power, and who may not employed in writing argumentative despatches in favor of such and such suggested reductions. This difficulty did not occur with Mr. James Wilson, but that was because the Mutiny had produced a set of circumstances under which all alike felt that he must be left comparatively free, or the empire and the services together would go to pieces. Many things are pos. sible when circumstances are desperate which would not be attempted under the ordinary routine. agree with him. Indeed, the viceroy is | unless the Indian authorities were unanvery likely not to agree with him. He is imous. The finance minister, in fact, inthinking partly of the requirements of gov- stead of reducing expenditure, would be ernment, partly of his policy, and partly of his own reputation, and it is disagreeable to him to be checked at every turn by considerations of finance. Yet, unless the viceroy is not only favorable to, but actively interested in, economy, the finance minister may be nearly powerless. He may, for instance, consider certain rearrangements in the military department essential to heavy savings. He proposes to reduce the army by ten thousand Europeans, and to meet the danger of the reduction by fusing the Bombay and Madras This argument is still stronger when aparmies into one, and redistributing the plied to questions of policy. It is true stations with a view to greater concentra- that Indian finance does not depend upon tion of force. This proposal, which has policy quite so completely as English repeatedly been made, and might save finance. The army is not voted every 2,000,000l. a year, could not be carried year, and changes are seldom made, the against army feeling and the Horse Guards, cardinal point that the empire must be sufand the soldiers in Parliament, without the ficiently garrisoned being taken as a fixed determined support of the viceroy, who datum. But still what is called an active would hardly care to encounter so much policy in India costs much more money opposition for the plan of another man for than a passive one, and a policy of "progwhich he would himself obtain but little ress that is of expenditure irrespective credit. As to its being actually done with- of surpluses- much more than a policy of out discussion, or further references home," inaction". that is of improvement when that is impossible, as the viceroy cannot be funds admit of it. A department like that held responsible for the safety of India, of public works, or education, or hygiene, and yet be deprived of his troops at the or even justice, will, if strongly urged fordiscretion of a subordinate. Or the finance ward, cost very much more than if let minister proposes that the system of public alone, and its pace depends upon the viceworks be radically altered by being trans-roy, who acts not only on what he deems ferred to the presidency governments, with expedient, but on instructions from home, orders to provide for them exclusively from on his knowledge of what is required at local funds. That great change of policy, home, and on his view as to what is exwhich will probably be made one day, pected of his own reputation. No miniswould affect the very constitution of the ter of finance could have stopped the war empire, and unless the viceroy insisted on in Afghanistan, or resisted the annexation it with his whole power would probably of the northern hills, or recommended that never be adopted. Nor would any other a non-paying province should be cheaply economy, however large, or however small, governed, or advised or resisted any of the each department resisting to the utmost, larger schemes, called here "imperial" each showing that the reduction will im- schemes, which, in the end, fill or deplete pede this or that branch of progress, and the treasury. Still less could he insist on each being "represented," that is defended, remodelling the most unmanageable of all by its own head, who is in the Cabinet. Indian outlays-those which involve reNo influence can overbear this resistance mittances to England for purchases, for except that of the viceroy, partly because pensions, for interest on loans, for anything the legal power resides with him, and partly ordered by the India Office, which is above because the officials, who look to him and the government on the spot. A viceroy not to the finance minister for promotion, determined that all future pensions and are disinclined to show themselves openly allowances should be paid in Calcutta in hostile to his policy, and unless they are silver, and remitted at the receiver's disconvinced of the presence of a public dan-cretion, might be able to carry his plan, ger as was the case with regard to the but a finance minister would be compelled income tax will not do it. No doubt an to argue it for years. For-and this is appeal would be made to England, but that appeal, on a controversial point, takes years, and might not even then succeed the keynote of the whole argument -no person in India except the viceroy can act on his own responsibility. Every one else only advises, and as his advice must be accepted, first, by the viceroy, then by his Cabinet, then by the secretary of state, then by the Council of India, and then, possibly, by Parliament, the time consumed is very great-so great that, when final orders are given, the minister has often gone home, and an entirely different set of circumstances has arisen. The finance minister is, therefore, deterred from recommending, or even planning, far-reaching schemes, and driven to those reforms, chiefly in taxation and accounts, which he can more or less carry of his own authority, or at all events, with the consent of colleagues who on such points have no temptation to oppose him. A viceroy acquainted with finance, on the other hand, and assured of strong personal support at home, has much less difficulty. He is, legally, the government, and that consideration not only affects those below him, but also his own mind. If he has determined on great military reductions he can, unless stopped from home, himself make them. He can himself arrest, as Lord Lytton has just done, the outlay on public works. He can insist, as Lord Lytton has just done, that the budget shall take such and such a shape. He can reduce the native army. He can order that no proposal for new permanent expenditure shall be even sent up to him. And he can practically, as well as virtually, impose new taxation, or refuse a tempting war, or declare that such and such a province, as it does not pay, must be entrusted to native administrators. He has, in fact, unless resisted at home, most of the power which in this country resides in Parliament, and if he has the confidence of the country, which is very readily given to strong men, may exercise it with some freedom. It is from him that large measures must come, and if the situa tion of the Indian treasury requires large measures he should be able to deal with it from his own knowledge, unhesitatingly, and without the Indian customary impediment of endless and exasperating writing. No such power will or can be entrusted except to a man who is at once a financier and viceroy; and it is such a man that, when the time is ripe for financial reform, India will need. That time should not be too long delayed, for the burden of debt is mounting until, as Mr. Gladstone openly said, there is real danger that the only way of extricating the Indian treas ury from its difficulties may be a British guarantee, which would impose on this country a liability nearly equal to the bur den imposed upon France by the German war. THE UNION JACK.-Our national flag at the present day is the Union Jack-a combination of the flags of St. George, St. Andrew, and St. Patrick, the patron saints of England, Scotland, and Ireland. It is only since the union of Ireland, which took place in 1801, that this banner has been in use. In deed, the first Union Jack we possessed dates no further back than 1606, after the union of the crowns of England and Scotland by James I. This flag consisted of a combination of the crosses of St. George and St. Andrew, and was in 1707 constituted by royal proclamation the national flag after the union of the Parliaments of the two countries. To unite the three crosses into a harmonious whole has been now satisfactorily accomplished. The cross of St. George is red on a white ground, that of St. Andrew a white cross in this form x (called a saltire) on an azure ground, that of St. Patrick a red saltire on a white ground, and you will find each of these crosses dis tinctly visible on our present national banner. On our bronze money you will also find upon the shield of Britannia a tolerably accurate representation of the Union Jack. With regard to the name by which our national flag is known, while " "Union seems appropriate enough, the reason why it is called a Jack is not at first appparent. It is said, however, by some to derive its name from James L. (Jacques), who united the kingdoms of England and Scotland; but this is not probable. The most likely derivation is from the word jacque, applied to the jacket or overcoat for. merly worn by the British soldier, which bore the representation of a cross. Little Folks. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. For EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually forwarded for a year, free of postage. An extra copy of THE LIVING AGE is sent gratis to any one getting up a club of Five New Subscribers. Remittances should be made by bank draft or check, or by post-office money-order, if possible. If neither of these can be procured, the money should be sent in a registered letter. All postmasters are obliged to register letters when requested to do so. Drafts, checks and money-orders should be made payable to the order of LITTELL & Co. Single Numbers of THE LIVING AGE, 18 cents. AN INVITATION TO THE SLEDGE. COME forth, for dawn is breaking; All day o'er snowdrifts gliding Above black swirling death-waves We will not shrink nor blanch, Though the bridge that spans the torrent Be built by an avalanche. We'll talk of love and friendship And hero-hearted men, With flight as swift as swallows We'll thread the sombre forest Where giant pines are crowned With snow caps on their branches Bent to the snowy ground. Strong wine of exultation, Free thoughts that laugh at death, Shall warm our winged spirits, Though the shrill air freeze our breath. With many a waif of music And memory-wafted song, With the melody of faces Loved when the world was young, With dear Hellenic stories And names of old romance, Dance to the arrowy motion Of our sledge so firm and free, Skimming the beaten snow-track As a good ship skims the sea. Like love, like all that's joyous, Like youth, like life's delight, This day is dawning o'er us Between a night and a night. O friend, 'tis ours to clasp it! Cornhill Magazine. YOU'LL NEVER GUESS. BY FREDERICK LANGBRIDGE. I KNOW two eyes, two soft brown eyes, Two eyes as sweet and dear As ever danced with gay surprise, Or melted with a tear; In whose fair rays a heart may bask- I know a voice of fairy tone, I know a golden-hearted maid To make her home she came - SWEET VIOLETS. SENT BY A LADY IN THE COUNTRY TO A Scented violets welcome me. Ah, that fragrance! how it brings Of unfading love and truth! Fragrant are they now as ever; Forms beneath the cold earth sleeping With glad eyes that know not weeping! Violets! ye bring to me Many a sunny memory; You, the first, best gems of spring, To sad hearts some cheer must bring. Friends the token might receive Your lowliness is meant to give; So, with wishes true and kind, I shall send you where the cityGrowing nothing half so fairShall receive, with tender pity, Your small blossoms, sweet and rare! Chambers' Journal. J. C. H. |