preparations had been made to welcome | This saint having nothing left but a gold

him, triumphal arches, royal arms, warlike effigies, and especially five nymphs, one of whom bore the following legend:

Ni basta fuerza ni maña Contra el príncipe de España. Neither force nor guile can prevail against the prince of Spain.

Hercules, who is described as king of Spain, 1668 B.C., was also depicted, as indeed were many other wonderful things. Philip, having now reached the fleet which was to escort him to England, was received with much naval display. Immediately after his arrival the ship which had borne the Marques de las Navas to England came in with the tidings of the landing of the envoy, and of the preparations for the marriage at Winchester, which town Muñoz believed to be a seaport.

One hundred and fifty ships were now awaiting the prince's orders; everything was prepared, and a vast quantity of money, which was to make things pleasant in England, had been shipped. Already, according to Strype, "good store of Spanish gold had come over, and as the value of the Portugal pieces was doubtful, a proclamation was issued, May 4 (1554), to fix it."

That the supply was kept up we learn from Burnet, who says that in October, 1554, twenty cart-loads of bullion, and ninety-nine horse and two cart loads of coin were sent." This treasure arrived after the marriage, as Philip had "empowered his ambassadors and Gardiner to promise great sums to such as should promote his marriage." He was far too wary to adventure so great an amount of gold among the English people until their part of the bargain was completed. This profusion contrasts strongly with the want of money which constantly embarrassed the emperor Charles V., causing disaffcction and mutiny amongst his troops at the crisis of many great enterprises. Two years later also, owing either to Philip's poverty or neglect, the emperor, when waiting at Jarandilla on his way to Yuste, was unable to discharge some of his servants for want of the first moiety of the pension for which he had stipulated on his abdication.

The last acts of Philip before embarking were marked by lavish bounty, "thus imitating," says Muñoz, "that most excellent and powerful grandee, Alexander of Macedon, of whose royal liberality such wonderful stories are told . . . and that glorious and illustrious doctor San Gregorio.

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cup, bestowed it upon a poor man who sought alms of him." At last the day of departure came, the troops, the retinue, and the baggage were all on board, the weather was fine, and the wind fair, and on the 12th July, 1554, Philip left the shore in a state barge, and embarked in the ship of Martin de Bretendona. The grandees who had escorted him on board then took leave, and sought their respective vessels, all of which had been fitted out and decorated with especial magnificence; indeed, we are informed by Muñoz, “that even the sails were of an ornamental description, being painted with scenes from the life of Julius Cæsar, and other Roman emperors." Had it become necessary to take in a couple of reefs, the effect of these works of art would have been remarkable. The fleet did not weigh until three P.M. on the following day, Friday, July 13, when each ship firing two guns, they put to sea. The style of Muñoz now rises to enthusiasm as he describes the salutes and the music, and how the southerly wind and the swelling sails soon bore them out of sight amidst the acclamations of the multitudes on shore. When they got out to sea, he says, "the fleet sailing in close order, with the bands playing, seemed like one of the fairest and strongest cities in the world." Don Fernando Enriquez, the hereditary Admiral of Castille, held the nominal command of the main body of the fleet; in all, however, that related to the sea, the real command was intrusted to Don Alvaro de Bazan, father of that Marques de Santa Cruz who, thirty-four years later, commanded the Invincible Armada, dying, however, before it quitted the ports of Spain.

Muñoz tells us "that in four days and fourteen hours the fleet anchored in the port of Antona" (Southampton). As they left Coruña at three P.M. on Friday, July 13, and anchored early in the afternoon of Thursday, July 19, our author is a little at fault in his calculation. The actual time was six days, and the distance made good about five hundred and twenty miles. Taking into consideration the calms they fell in with in the Channel, the nature of the ships of the period, and the necessity of sailing in squadron - itself a cause of delay-for, as says that excellent seaman, Sir Richard Hawkins, in his "Observations," "commonly one ship though a bad sayler maketh more haste than a whole fleet " - considering all this, the average work of about ninety miles a day may be looked upon as sufficiently creditable, even

when compared with the performance of the green lawns and flowing streams in all modern sailing vessels. According to the glory of a midsummer night, suggestHolinshed, Lord William Howard, the ing to the Spaniards the scenes described English admiral, met the Spanish fleet in the books of chivalry, they reached a outside the Needles on Thursday, July 19. small door which led to the apartments Muñoz, however, says that on entering where Mary, attended by Gardiner and Southampton water the prince was saluted some elderly magnates and ladies, awaited by thirty ships, English and Flemish, her hitherto unseen bridegroom. As he which there awaited his arrival. He slept entered, she hurried forward to meet him, on board that night, landing the next day seizing him by the hand; he, however, in the barge of the English admiral. As putting all ceremony aside, kissed her, as, he stepped on shore English court offi- says Muñoz, is the custom here. They cials delivered to him the insignia of the then conversed-be in Spanish, she in garter, placing a gold chain upon his neck, French- and we are told seemed to unand the garter round his knee. A palace derstand one another perfectly. Lord had been prepared for him in Southamp- William Howard, the admiral, who is deton, which is described as a town of three scribed as a man who would have his hundred houses. joke, said among his other pleasantries, On the afternoon of the following Mon-"that well as they understood each other day, the fourth day after his landing, he now, they would be far more intimate in set out in heavy rain for Winchester, ac- four or five days." companied by a numerous retinue. Arriving within a mile of that town, he alighted at the Abbey of St. Cross, in order to dress himself for his public entry. Sallying forth again clad in a cloak of black velvet, and in breeches and doublet of white velvet, he was received with much ceremony at Winchester, the keys of which town were offered to him. He proceeded at once to the cathedral, where, advancing into the interior of the cathedral, accompanied by the principal personages of the realm, by the grandees of Castille, and by many English knights and gentlemen, he went in procession to the high altar, where a curtained seat with a canopy of brocade, was prepared for him. The service was chanted with as great solemnity as in the cathedral of Toledo."


According to Holinshed, Mary had travelled from Bishop's Waltham to Winchester on the preceding Saturday, July 21. Her ladies travelled from Windsor in a wagon painted red, and covered with fine red cloth, the harness all of red leather. This vehicle, as Miss Strickland, quoting | the order for its construction, says, must have surpassed the splendor of a modern wild-beast show. At ten o'clock on the night of his arrival in Winchester, Philip paid a private visit to the queen, so secret indeed as to escape the research of Holinshed, who says that his first visit was made on the following day. Private at it was, he was accompanied by some twenty grandees, among them Alva, Pescara, Fería, Hoorn, and Egmont, names to be heard of again in far different scenes in the time to come. Passing through the gardens of the episcopal palace, which had Been prepared for the queen's reception,

After a while, Philip, who had had a long, wet ride and a fatiguing day, manifested a wish to retire to his lodging (the queen from some feeling of prudery not having allowed him rooms in the palace). Permission being granted after some little demur, he asked how he was to say "buenas noches" to the ladies of the court: this salutation, according to Muñoz, is correctly rendered into English by the words "God ni hit," which were then and there taught him by the queen. Forgetting his lesson before he reached the ladies, he was obliged to turn back when already in the middle of the hall to relearn it. This amused her Majesty very much, and so ended the evening of the first interview.


The next day, after dinner, Philip again visited the queen, who received him in an apartment called the room of "Poncia," probably thus named after an early Bishop of Winchester, John de Pontoise, who died A.D. 1304. Considering the treatment which English names meet with at the hands of the author, the resemblance in this case seems sufficiently close. second visit being of a more ceremonious nature, the queen issued from her chamber, preceded by her ladies and by two kings-at-arms; retiring with Philip to another room, they remained a long time together, the Spanish attendants endeavoring with no very great success to converse with the ladies of the court. evening, Figueroa, the regent of Naples, arrived with the investiture of that kingdom, an appointment which was intended to place Philip on a footing of equality with the queen of England. The following day, July 25, being the day of St.


no presents the phrase, which is not
exactly in conformity with modern Span-
ish, is "dar guantes," to give gloves -
until they were able to understand them.
Those few gentlemen who could speak
English are said to have approved of an
arrangement which left them in possession
of the field. The ball lasted three hours,
the king and queen taking part in it, and
dancing the alemana, an ancient Spanish
dance, very gracefully, the English ladies
being much pleased with Philip's perform-
ance. Strype, however, says that upon
this occasion "the Spaniards were greatly
out of countenance for their dancing,
especially King Philip dancing with the
queen, when they saw the Lord Bray and
Mr. Carow, and others, far exceed them."

James, the patron saint of Spain, the mar-
riage ceremony was performed with great
pomp. Two swords of state were borne
before their Majesties by personages
whom Muñoz calls the Condes of Puen-
burque and Arbinque, but whom Señor de
Gayangos converts into the Earls of Pem-
broke and Derby. We are told that the
latter could muster twenty thousand sol-
diers; and that, as king of a certain island
(Man), he was entitled to wear a crown of
lead. So strange an assertion invited in-
quiry as to the nature of the crown of the
sovereigns of the Isle of Man. The cour-
tesy of Mr. Goldsmith, honorary secretary
of the Manx Society, has supplied the re-
quired information. He refers to Blun-
dell's "History of the Isle of Man,"
written about 1650, and published in 1877.
The author, who was anxious to obtain
information upon this very subject, says:
"Neither of him (the governor) nor any
other could I receive so much satisfaction
as to be informed as to what fashion, or of
what metal, the crown of the kings of Man
was made of. Out of the isle I con-
ferred with some who would seem anti-scrutinized, it will be found occasionally
quaries, that confidently affirm that the
crown was of iron; which was not alto-
gether improbable, for it hath not been in
use in England itself from the beginning
to crown their kings with diadems of
gold." Then he goes on to say: "The
crown wherewith the king of Man was
crowned was of pure gold.' Muñoz must
have been either the victim of a deliberate
hoax, or he mistook iron for lead.

After supper, which was a repetition of
the banquet, the king was escorted by the
grandees to the apartment of the queen.
The days which followed were spent in
ceremonious festivities, and at this point it
is well to remark that the narrative of Mu-
ñoz is wanting in much of the detail sup-
plied by historians; and that, if closely

deficient in accuracy. On the other hand,
he records curious incidents not found
elsewhere, but which bear the stamp of

He makes it a subject of complaint that none of the attendants brought by Philip were allowed to serve him, the queen hav ing provided him with a complete household according to the use of Burgundy. These officials were determined not to The ladies who assisted at the mar- bate a jot of their privileges or their duriage ceremonial looked, we are told, ties, and even the guard which Philip "rather like celestial angels than ordinary brought with him from Spain was relieved mortals." The religious fervor of Mary, of its functions, for the English, jealous of who kept her eyes fixed on the crucifix the presence of so many Spaniards, were during the whole of the marriage service, determined not to allow them any footing was very conspicuous. A banquet fol- in the country. The idle life which all lowed, at which the Bishop of Winchester these Spaniards led, says the author, was was the only other guest admitted to the very disadvantageous to them; some inroyal table. Philip was served upon silver, deed, harping upon their books of chivMary on silver gilt; a manifestation of alry, soon to be solemnly condemned by precedence which was introduced in order the Córtes at Valladolid, and somewhat to mark the difference of rank, Philip not later to incur the more potent ridicule having yet been crowned king of Naples. of Cervantes, declared that they would The numerous guests were accommodated" rather be in the stubble fields of Toledo at other tables, according to their official than in these gardens of Amadis." position or rank, and a magnificent banquet was served with much stately ceremony. Between the banquet and the ball which followed it, the Spanish gentlemen endeavored to converse with the English ladies, an attempt which was, however, frustrated by mutual ignorance of each other's language. The Spaniards, we are told, determined that they would give

A few days after the wedding their Majesties travelled towards London, the household coming in detachments, by reason of the want of sufficient accommodation upon the road. Here the narrative of Muñoz, of which but a very slight sketch is given, ends; but he devotes a few more sentences to a description of England, with the names of certain seaports on the south

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coast. Hopeless confusion results from the narrative of Muñoz, throwing some his wild treatment of names. Cabodoble, light upon difficulties which have been the which Señor de Gayangos accepts as the despair of the editor, especially in the Cape of Dover, and Antona, Southampton, matter of English names. He instances are almost the only ones which can be rec- Aron, Arandera, Rondela, as attempts to ognized. As to such names as Asalania designate the Earl of Arundel; Arbin and and Artania, the Island of Lucia, the Sor- Aruin for the Earl of Derby; Atingush, lingas, and others, even conjecture is out Roselo, and Pajete, for Hastings, Russell, of the question. and Paget. The strangest perversion of all, however, occurs in the outlandish name Previselo, in which his ingenuity has discovered the Lord Privy Seal.

This country, he says, was the scene of the fables of King Lisuarte and the Round Table, of Merlin and his prophecies. It was originally peopled by giants, but after the destruction of Troy, a certain captain, named Bruto, who came from that city, vanquished and expelled them. From this name of Bruto, he adds, came the word Britain. The country is rich and fertile, "and from it have sprung heroes of wisdom and understanding, devoted to and maintaining the faith of Jesus Christ; burning and slaying with the edge of the sword the enemies of the holy Catholic faith, and, by the light of their good works and doctrine, preaching the evangelical law of Christianity, as did the venerable Bede, and many others, his disciples, in England." He expresses a hope that, "in times to come, the subjects of the sovereign may imitate their predecessors, emulating their deeds, and by their example advancing the Chistian faith." Some commonplace villancicos, or stanzas, in honor of the sovereigns, and redolent of flattery and fanaticism, conclude the work.

The "Tratado" of Muñoz is followed by four letters. The first of these, undated and without address, was written from Winchester during Philip's sojourn there to some one in Seville, and was printed in that city in 1554. The second, written from Richmond by a different hand, to a gentleman in Salamanca, completes the history of the expedition up to August 19, 1554; it belongs to a correspondence, the anterior part of which is missing. Another letter by the same writer, being the third of the present collection, was written from London Oct. 2, 1554. These two latter exist in MS. in the Escorial. The fourth and last letter, which was printed originally in Seville, and of which a copy is known to exist in the library of the Real Academia de la Historia, is addressed to the Condesa de Olivares, and, although undated, seems to have been written from London towards the end of 1554. Like the second and third, it is a fragment of a correspondence. It treats chiefly of the reception and conduct of Cardinal Pole. These four letters, says Señor de Gayangos, may be read as the complement of

The first letter commences with the embarkation of Philip at Coruña, adding little of importance to the narrative of Muñoz, except that on the night of the departure and during a portion of the following day there was a fresh wind and some sea, a serious matter to Philip, who was but an indifferent sailor. The English ambassadors, Bedford and Fitzwaters, who had met him at Santiago, seem to have been aware of this. Writing, in June, to the Council, they add in a postscript, "The prince is wont to be very sick upon the sea, and these seas that he shall pass over into England are much worse than the Levant where he hath been heretofore. Wherefore, doubtless, lest he and his nobility will be desirous to land at the next land they can come to in England (as all men in their cases will covet and desire the same), your lordships shall do very well to take order that some preparation be made at Plymouth, and so along the seacoast for him, if peradventure he shall land. Nevertheless," they bravely add, "we will do all that layeth in us to bring him to Southampton." It is unnecessary to extract from these letters that which has been already related by Muñoz respecting the sojourn at Southampton, the journey to Winchester, and the subsequent marriage. Describing the wedding banquet, the writer tells us that the table service was performed by Englishmen, except that Don Inigo de Mendoza, son of the Duke of Infantado, acted as cup-bearer to Philip. "Indeed," says he, no one has so much as, dreamt of performing any duty, or of bearing his staff of office. We might all well be banished as idle vagabonds.' The ladies of the household do not meet with his approval. "They are tall, their waists are tightly girdled. As far as dress goes they look well. Their toilettes are after the French fashion; they would look much better if they followed the fashion of the young Spanish ladies. Very few are good-looking, but some," he naïvely adds,



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are better than others." They spend their time in the ante-chamber, dancing

and conversing with those who visited them.

"The duchess persisting in her refusal, the queen returned to the stool, ordering her to take the other, upon which the duchess then seated herself." And so this curious scene was brought to a close. They then conversed together for a long time, the Marques de las Navas acting as interpreter, for though the queen understood Spanish she could not speak it. She

Friday, July 27, Fray Bartolomé de Miranda, in after times Archbishop of Toledo, said mass in the cathedral, an act which surprised and grieved some as much as it pleased others. The writer hopes that the goodness of the queen and her unceasing prayers may restore the country to Christianity and obedience to the Cath-managed, however, to say that it was hot, olic Church.

Great rogues, he says, infest the highways; among other persons they had robbed the son of the Marques de Villena of four hundred crowns and all his plate; worse than this, however, four or five of Philip's own coffers were missing, in spite of the efforts of the Council to recover them. "It is well to be within doors before dark here; indeed, it is the usual practice."

and other similar trifles. Being called away to receive certain ambassadors, she offered the use of her private apartment to the duchess, who, however, begged to remain with the ladies of the household. Presently she returned, and after a little more conversation the duchess.departed to her lodging, which was at some distance, and to which she had to proceed, as the writer is particular in stating, on foot.

On Sunday, July 29, Philip and Mary dined in public, the Bishop of Winchester, the Marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, with the Earls of Pembroke and Derby, forming the party at the royal table. The writer states, incidentally, that the incomes of the two latter did not exceed one thousand five hundred ducats. On the 31st the newly married couple, attended by a small retinue, took their departure, stopping the first night at the Basing House, a seat of the Marquis of Winchester.

Three days after the wedding, the Duchess of Álva, accompanied, as became a great lady of Spain, by many of the grandees and caballeros, "wearing a gown of black velvet with lace, and embroidered with black silk cord," came to visit the queen. As the wife of the mayordomo mayor, and as former hostess of Philip, who, on his first marriage in 1542, had brought his bride the Infanta of Portugal to the Alva palace in Salamanca, Mary received her with marked distinction, while The first letter ends here, and we prothe duchess on her part strove to render ceed to the second, whose writer is more all homage to the queen. "She was stand-critical and piquant. He addresses a gening, and on the duchess appearing she went from her dais almost to the door, where the duchess, kneeling, besought her to give her her hand; the queen, stooping down almost as low as the duchess, embraced her without giving her hand. Rising up, she kissed her mouth, as is the custom here with queens when receiving princesses of the blood royal only. Taking the duchess by the hand, she asked her how she had fared, and how she had borne the sea voyage, adding that she was delighted to see her. She then led her to the dais where there was a high chair; seating herself on the carpet she requested the duchess to take the chair. This she declined to do, beseeching the queen to take it.

"Two footstools, covered with brocade, were then brought in; the queen seated herself on the one nearest to the chair, bidding the duchess to take the other. She made a low reverence, and sat down on the ground at the queen's side, as is the English custom. Upon this the queen left the footstool, and sat by her on the carpet, refusing to rise.

tleman in Salamanca. He informs his
correspondent that their Majesties are
"los mas bien casados del mundo" - the
best-matched pair in the world.
more enamored of each other than I can
well describe. His Highness never leaves
the queen; on our journeys he is always
at her side, he assists her to mount and
dismount. At certain times he dines with
her in public, and they attend mass to-
gether on feast-days." In a promiscuous
manner he describes the queen as ugly,
small, lean, pink and white complexion, no
eyebrows, very pious, and very badly
dressed. The writer was evidently no
courtly chronicler, and his remarkable
frankness tends to enhance the value of
his narrative. The English ladies fail to
please him. "All the women here wear
under-petticoats of colored cloth, no silk.
Their gowns are of damask or colored
satin or velvet very badly made. Some
wear shoes of velvet, but more commonly
of leather. They wear black stockings,
they show their legs sometimes even as far
as the knee, at least when journeying, for
their under-petticoats are short. When

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