sician to boot. But did this stand in his | tance I attach to the training of the way as a young man coming over to Lon-coming generation, not only in useful don with a view to found a business? knowledge, but in all that they ought to Has it stood in his way of founding a firm know and ought to be able to feel and of which I, as his son, am very proud? It think when they are discharging imperial did not stand in his way. On the contrary, duties. it aided his success; and, with this before me, I hope you will say that I am able to speak with affectionate conviction of the fact that culture will not interfere with the due discharge of the duties of business men in any sphere of business life.

And, I ask, by what power can this result be better obtained than by the intelligent study of history and of modes of thought which lie beyond our own immediate range? It is no easy thing for democracies to rule wisely and satisfactorily I will not add to what I have said about self-governing colonies or subject races. the great increase of happiness and amuse- Imagination, in its highest and broadest ment to be gained for your own leisure in sense, is necessary for the noble discharge after life if you follow the studies I have of imperial duties. The governing classes named. It is most certainly for your happi--and we are all governing classes now ness and advantage; but you may remem- should be able to represent to themselves ber that I used much stronger language absent things - all the impulses, and symthan this. I said it was not only of ad-pathies, and passions of other races differvantage for the young themselves, but for the national advantage, that imaginative culture should be considered as one of the aims of education. I have still got to make this point good. Consider what are the duties of this country in which we live. Let me now take you away from Liverpool -away even from England - and ask you to look at our imperial duties — at our colonies, at our vast empire, at our foreign relations and then I want you to ask yourselves whether it is important or not that Englishmen shall be able to realize to themselves what is not immediately around them, that they shall be able to transport themselves in imagination to other countries over which they rule. It is not sufficient for Englishmen to think only of their own surroundings. There was a time when the destinies of England used to be wielded by a few individual men, or by small coteries of trained statesmen. India was governed for years externally to the influence of public opinion. But that is past now. Public opinion is now stepping in; and, if public opinion steps in, I wish that public opinion to be properly trained. Why, even ministers for foreign affairs now declare that they wait the behests of the public, their employers, before they take any decided step. If public opinion assumes these responsibilities, again I say, Let us look to the formation of that public opinion, and see that the young generation of Englishmen are trained properly for the discharge of these functions." Parliament is more and more sharing with the executive government of the country the duties of administration, and the press and the public are more and more sharing this duty with Parliament. Therefore you will understand the impor

ent from themselves. To ignore this, to
be narrow-minded, is a very great national
danger. Narrow-mindedness lost us in
times past the American colonies. States-
men were not able to sympathize with, or
throw themselves into, the position of
these colonies; they could not represent
to themselves absent things; and they
thought that this England of ours, with
what they learned here, was sufficient for
their guidance in the discharge of their
imperial duties. It is not enough. We
must look beyond our own local sur-
roundings. In the study of history you
will also be able to meet the ignorance
which may possibly prevail in many places
with regard to our own history and our
own colonial empire. What sentiment
brings down a popular audience more
thoroughly than when a great statesman or
popular orator exclaims, "We are an his-
toric people? May I be permitted hum-
bly to suggest that, if we are a great
historic people, we may with advantage
study and know our own history? May I
ask that, if we are an historic people, we
may take advantage of our history as a
lesson for the future? and that, if we are
an imperial people, we may also study and
lay to heart and know the conditions of
some of the races and the colonies over
which we rule? I wonder how much
many of us know of the way in which the
Indian empire was originally won and
maintained. I dare say some of you re-
proach me in your hearts, and say,
know all about it;" and why? because
everybody-at any rate, a great many
people-have read the essays of Lord
Macaulay on Clive and Warren Has
tings; but if these two essays had not been
written, I wonder how much would be.

"We

known of the history of India? I do not do wrong, then, I think, if I recommend the pupils of this Institute to push the study of our own national history, and to enter and throw themselves into that study with patriotism and alacrity. It is the duty of citizens to read and know their own past. I want to stimulate a habit of mind which is capable of apprehending and sympathizing with a state of things different from that which surrounds us.

nations are what I consider a dangerous element in the formation of public opinion. Those men are still more dangerous if, because they know very little, and because they are somewhat local and narrow-minded, they fancy themselves to be practical men. I am often frightened when, upon some great question, I hear a man say, "I am going to take a very business-like view of this question." It is almost as bad as when a man, upon some I do not know whether it is an apochry- question of propriety, says he is going to phal story or not that a distinguished look at it as a man of the world. I then statesman once said that a page of the always suspect the judgment he is going Times was more worth reading than the to give. When a man says, "I am going whole of "Thucydides." If that was ever to look at a great question as a business said, I should reply, "No, a thousand man," it is ten to one he means, "I am times no." That sentiment embodies the not going to be gulled by any of your very tone of mind against which I am con- grand generalizations; I am not going to tending. It means that it is important to be misled by historical parallels, or segive an exclusive study to that which is duced by any rhetorical phrases. I do not surrounding us, and that we have less to wish to be told what foreign nations are do with the great past. Yes, if our duty thinking of or are likely to do. I wish to and our pleasure were to deal only with judge of this as a sensible man of business. matters that lie around ourselves if, for I know the effect such and such a line of instance, in Parliament, we had only to policy will have on trade and on the funds, pass gas and water bills, to improve tariffs, and that is enough for me." Now, I have to deal with the material aspects of the sometimes hoped that I might have claimed present, and the growing resources which myself to be a business man, or a businessrailroads and telegraphs bestow then the like man; and most of you will consider hasty survey of passing events which the yourselves the same; and I say that it is daily journals supply might be more useful prostituting the name of "business-like " to us than the history of an Athenian war, to confound it, as is often done, with a even though that history were written with narrow-minded view of imperial questions. spirit-stirring eloquence and patriotism, That is not business-like at all; it is very 5 and were full of sound political reflections unbusiness-like. Call it by whatever name which remain true throughout eternal time. you will, whether narrow-mindedness or But if we have more to do than this, if we not, I consider that to judge from hand to have not only to deal with Englishmen mouth of all our great questions is a very precisely like ourselves -if English public dangerous tendency a tendency which is opinion and English statesmen have not fostered by ignorance of the great princionly to deal with Englishmen who are ples of human action, and of the former registered at their birth by an English teaching of the history of the world. registrar-general, then vaccinated accord- Again, you will think me very persistent. ing to an English act of Parliament, and The study of history will correct these sent, under another English act of Parlia- tendencies, and will mitigate the influence ment, through elementary schools, and of any narrow-minded judgment of passdealt with for the remainder of their lives ing events. Some newspapers, for inunder English acts of Parliament; but if, stance- I am speaking entirely hypothetbesides, we have to deal with subject races ically- often take alarm, and begin to who are more like the men described by think they ought to write down the power Herodotus than average London or Liver- of England. They begin to minimize our pool men, then I hope you will understand power, and they say, "What can England how important it is that we should culti-do? Look at the size of our little island. vate the capacity of understanding what Look at the statistical lists of our ships others think and do, and so be able to lift and guns, of our men and armies. What ourselves beyond the ordinary range of can we do? After all, we are very small daily life. in numbers." Again, I dislike a sentence which begins with "after all," because I know that when a man begins to say “after all " he means that he will not meet me on my own ground, but that he is going to

Men who know little of our previous history, and are feeble in their power to imagine - that is, to represent to themselves the situations and views of other

aim at have been achieved to a very considerable extent already, and that we are highly imaginative because, as I admit, we are becoming a highly sentimental and susceptible people. I admit that it is very unfair on the part of foreigners continually to say, as they do say, that Englishmen are not prepared ever to make sacrifices for an

meet me on some other ground totally dif- | favor of the cultivation of the imagination ferent from that which is the subject of amongst the English people, the results I our argument. Well, it is said, "After all,' what can England do?" Now, I should like the public sometimes to be able, when it is asked "what can England do," to check this appeal to contemporary statistics by an intelligent recollection of the statistics of the past. I do not say that I want England to do anything, but I do not want it to be laid down that En-idea. I consider that England, especially gland cannot do anything. I rebel against this tendency of always writing down our own country, as if our powers were insufficient. Study history as I ask you, and you will be able to answer those who urge objections of this kind. Study the history of the past, and see what England has done at times when neither her population nor her wealth was such as it is at present, and you will wonder when it is said that England, "after all," is a small country.

in late generations, has certainly been ready to make considerable sacrifices, not only on material grounds, but on moral grounds. For instance, take the abolition of the slave-trade. That was an effort which England made from the sincerest and purest motives of conviction and morality; but nearly all Continental writers disbelieve in the self-sacrificing nature of that great measure, and declare that we were guided by self-interest. They are How many of you in this room know entirely deceived. Where the country's what the population of this country was in feelings have been touched, we have again the great Napoleonic times, when England and again been willing to make considera. took the lead, and when newspapers did ble sacrifices, and we should again be not point to the size of the island and the prepared to make such sacrifices, in smallness of the population as compared the cause of right and morality. But with the population of other countries? I do not admit that susceptibility and Our population at the present time is about sentiment are at all equivalent to that thirty-three millions, probably more. The imaginative capacity with which I have population of Great Britain in 1801, when been dealing. I do not at all wish to the census was taken, including the armies stimulate further what I may call the sus serving abroad, was under eleven millions, ceptible side of English politics, because I and I ask you to remember the historical think we have gone far enough in that lessons which that great time teaches. direction. I prefer that manly and sturdy Remember what England, with that popu- national character which I see written in lation, was enabled to do, and what weight many of the great histories I have recom. her counsels had in Europe and through- mended you to study, and I do not at all out the world. To my mind, the teaching consider that the cultivation of the pow of history is this, that, notwithstanding er of representing to yourselves absent Krupp guns and Palliser shells; notwith-things, and of being able to sympathize standing Martini and Chassepot rifles; with and to understand the necessities of notwithstanding ironclads and torpedoes; notwithstanding field telegraphs and balloons; and notwithstanding that one great European power has lost her influence, and another great power has gained influence in Europe; notwithstanding all this, the teaching of history is that a great country of thirty-three millions of inhabitants, unsurpassed in wealth, has no business to depreciate her own power or minimize those great efforts which, if need be, but only if need be and if right be, she will venture to put forth.

But perhaps some of you may think that I have been wasting my pains. You may think that, though I have been pleading in

The census of Ireland was not taken in 1801, so

that the total population of Great Britain and Ireland at that date cannot be stated.

our colonies and of other countries, and to take generally that wider and broader view that I have recommended, are at all identical with the development of a senti mental character in politics a tendency which I, for one, view with some alarm. Well, now, I am afraid that I have taken you a very long way. I began with the nursery, and I am afraid I have launched you in the end into a very wide field indeed. I might have followed up my argument by showing the necessity, even for many serious domestic questions, of culti vating the faculty to which I bave alluded. I might almost venture to say that a House of Commons without imagination would, to my mind, be a bad House of Commons and a dangerous House of Commons. A Church without imagination would be a

Church without life and without the power | newly consolidated power of the Spanish of retaining its hold upon its flocks. Im- monarchy. Strict as were the marriage agination, in the sense which I have de- articles in respect to Philip's own position scribed, is necessary everywhere, and per- in England, a son by Mary would, on the haps we have too little of it now in a great death of the ill-starred Infante Don Carlos, many departments of life; and I will tell the issue of his first marriage, have inheryou why. Because we are all too much ited not only England but Spain, with all oppressed with detail because, in the its vast dependencies. Public documents, study of detail, and in the study of useful the despatches of envoys, as well as private knowledge, we frequently too much ignore memorials and letters, have supplied ample and too much forget the broader lines of details of the single and married life of study, and the more important generaliza- Mary Tudor. Her short and clouded tions which neither statesmen nor electors, reign is familiar to us, while her character, nor indeed any class, ought ever to lose her mode of life, and her singularly unat sight of. And so I hope I have been jus-tractive countenance, depicted by Moro tified, when addressing a great institution with evident fidelity, are probably as well such as this, with two thousand students known to us as those of any other contemwhom it trains - I hope I have been jus-porary sovereign. Some additional details tified, not only in looking to the actual of the expedition and of the arrival of work which is being performed within your walls, but also in venturing to put before you certain general ideas as to the faculties which ought to be developed, and studies which ought to be pursued. And you will not think because I have mainly insisted on one particular line of thought, that I therefore ignore the immense importance of your other studies; I have simply thought it might be well on this occasion that the other side should be put forward for once, and that I might fairly make as strong a plea as I could for the cultivation of studies on which I, in my heart, believe so much depends. Full of this conviction, I confidently ask you all to apply yourselves to these studies, both at home, in this Institute, in your public libraries, by every available means. Once more let me say to you that a livelihood is not a life, and, believe me, if you devote yourselves to such studies are able to cultivate that power which I have asked you to cultivate you will find that it will make you better citizens, more ardent patriots, and better and happier men and women.

-if you

From The Fortnightly Review. THE EXPEDITION OF PHILIP II. TO ENGLAND.

BRIEF as was the connection of Philip II. of Spain with this country, his union with Mary Tudor having terminated with her death four years after their marriage, we cannot look back to that period of our history without feelings of more than ordinary interest, speculating perchance upon the fate of western Europe had England been added to the wide dominions and the

Philip in England, of the marriage ceremonies, and more especially of the temper and demeanor of her subjects at this period, details which often rise but little above the level of gossip, yet interesting as coming from contemporary Spaniards, have lately been placed within our reach by the Sociedad de los Bibliófilos Espa ñoles of Madrid.

The voyage of Philip to our shores, the subject of the volume published by this literary and antiquarian society for the year 1877, and edited by the competent hand of Don Pascual de Gayangos, comprises an account of the expedition by one Andres Muñoz, as well as four letters by three. other persons. The first portion of the publication, the "Tratado" of Muñoz, who seems to have been an attendant of the Infante Don Carlos, was compiled in Spain from information supplied to the writer by various correspondents, and was printed, in the year 1554, in Zaragoza. Long for gotten, a copy probably unique was lately discovered, and has now been reprinted with explanatory notes, the more necessary as, according to Señor de Gayangos, the author was no doctor en letras, his style being incorrect and the narrative at times obscure.

The "Tratado," or treatise, begins by describing the preparations for Philip's voyage to England, and the selection of the officials and domestics of the royal household, a numerous retinue, in accordance with the ceremonial of the house of Burgundy, which had lately been adopted by the Spanish court. Philip, in the provision made for those who were left behind, seems to have acted with a kindly consideration for his dependants not often attributed to him at least by English writers. The mission of the Marques de

L

las Navas, who was sent in advance with | swung aloft, an incident which is recorded
presents of jewels to Mary, all of which as having given great pleasure to all. In-
Muñoz describes and appraises minutely, deed, pyrotechny seems to have played a
follows; and we then encounter a formida- very prominent part, and to have concluded
ble catalogue of the gala dresses of Philip the display of almost every device which
and his retinue, involving so copious a use was introduced.
of superlatives in describing their magnifi
cence, that our more sober language would
scarcely lend itself to a literal translation
of this part of the work. More interesting
are the names of the mayordomos and
camareros, many of them the most con-
spicuous personages of the time; and we
may feel an interest in the seven "salaried
theologians," who were to constitute a
council of conscience, and ultimately to
aid in the restoration of England to the
bosom of the Catholic Church.