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ter upon his arrival in South Africa were of the most formidable and complicated description. They were aggravated by the fact that his own ministers were absolutely incapable of foreseeing any danger or providing against any emergency; and that he had at last to dismiss them. When the war broke out on the Kei, her Majesty's forces on the frontier consisted of the greater part of one regiment, the first battalion of the twenty-fourth, the same corps which has since perished so heroically at Insandlana, but with no cavalry and no artillery. Even the horses of the infantry soldiers selected for mounted service had been sold at the request of the Cape ministry. The organization of the frontier police was exceedingly defective; and although volunteers were not wanting, both in the towns and amongst the burgher farmers of the district, all regular preparations for defence had been not only neg. lected, but opposed, by the Cape government. This being the case, as is now formally stated by the commander of the forces in South Africa himself in the volume before us, the wonder is, not that disasters have occurred, but that they did not occur sooner, and that they have not been more complete. The war in Kaffraria was, in spite of all difficulties, brought to a successful termination. The details of the operations are related with simplicity and perspicuity by Sir Arthur Cunynghame, and we do not propose to revert to them, though the campaign was a much more serious affair than Mr. Trollope would lead his readers to suppose. It suffices for our present purpose to remark that, in spite of the gallant and successful efforts of a handful of brave fellows in this contest, the impression on the native tribes generally had been that of the extreme weakness of the British power, and all the evidence before us proves that an opinion had spread amongst them that the time was come when the white man might be expelled from the land and driven into the

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In order to understand more thoroughly this critical state of affairs, we shall avail ourselves of the works we have placed at the head of this article. Sir Arthur Cunynghame gives us a vivid picture of the

war. Mr. Trollope travelled through the colonies in an easy, good-humored manner, and brought back the impression that Boers and Kaffirs were both, in their way, a good sort of people, travelling slowly onwards on the track of civilization; but he writes without a suspicion that he had been treading on a volcano, or that passions were at work which might speedily, in the opinion of Sir Bartle Frere, involve the whole of South Africa in a conflagration. Mr. Theal's volume is by far the most accurate and useful compendium that exists of the history of South Africa. It derives additional interest from the fact that it was written, and well written, in the country, and printed, and well printed, by native compositors at the missionary insti tution at Lovedale. We shall avail ourselves largely in the following pages of the information it contains. Mr. Theal writes in the enthusiastic spirit of a colonist and a missionary. He thinks that the Cape Colony is destined "by a higher hand than that of man to bring into the sisterhood of nations the people of a continent hitherto steeped in misery and vice, and that the future cannot be otherwise than grand and bright" (p. 71). We wish to speak with all possible respect of the South African missions, who have been the best allies of civil government, and have done whatever has been done to implant habits of industry and culture among these savage races. But it is impossible to read Mr. Theal's thrilling narrative without the deepest feelings of horror and compassion. The blood of civilized and uncivilized man has been shed in torrents in these dreadful wars. Massacre has succeeded massacre. Flourishing villages and homesteads have been burnt and destroyed. Native tribes have been extirpated. At the end of every struggle it has been supposed that this war was the last, and that the future at least was "grand and bright." Civilization has, we would fain believe, made some progress; but nowhere on the face of the earth has this been accomplished at a more frightful cost of human life, and even now its steps are threatened and insecure. The "History of Natal," by Mr. Brooks, an old resident in the colony, is of peculiar value and interest at the present time,

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when the impending contest between bar-dred and twenty thousand square miles barism and civilization is to be fought out more, as much as the whole of Italy. on the borders of Natal itself. The vol- Elsewhere it is stated at forty million ume is extremely well edited by Dr. R. J. acres, of which only four hundred thouMann, and it supplies a vast deal of infor- sand are under cultivation. Roughly mation which may be of great utility at speaking, this extent is equal to that of this moment. France, Germany, Belgium, and Holland united, or five times the area of Great Britain. The land rises in ridges from the shores of the Indian Ocean to a level plateau at an elevation of three or four thousand feet. The rivers, descending from this height, are rapid and not navigable-impassable torrents at one season, or dried up in rocky channels at another. Forests are scarce, and therefore fuel not abundant. The want of wood, both for construction and for fuel, tells in a variety of ways. Thus there is scarcely a boarded floor in the whole upper country, and fires are only made for cooking. There is no hay, an inconvenient circumstance in a country where everybody rides or drives; horses and oxen are foddered on green corn-stalks dried. Hence the employment of cavalry and artillery in the country is difficult, for horses are liable to a peculiarly fatal disease, and they must carry their forage with them. Mr. Trollope affirms that the transport of a load of wood from the coast to Bloemfontein costs 157. Everything at the Cape depends on the supply of water, and this is regulated by

To these works must be added Herr von Weber's "Four Years in Africa," which is a comprehensive and most entertaining narrative of life in South Africa by a German gentleman who resided there for some time, and actually worked a claim at the diamond fields in his own behalf. His account of this diamond traffic is by far the best we have met with, and he afterwards visited all the British South African colonies and the Free State. Herr von Weber's sympathies are all with the Boers. He hates the Kaffirs with the fervor of a Dutchman, although he is in fact a Saxon. He thinks that South Africa is to be colonized and civilized by men of the German race, and he is not always just or kindly to his English neighbors. It is not worth while to correct his blunders and misstatements, though he calls Sir Bartle Frere an admiral, and speaks of Demerara as an island! Upon the whole, as it is good to see ourselves as others see us, we are obliged to him for his criticisms; and he has certainly contrived to afford us a good deal of amusement and information, though we cannot accept his conclusion that South | artificial means. With water you can grow Africa will one day be turned into a Dutch federal republic.

The South African dependencies of the British crown are not only of amazing extent, but they comprise a variety of peculiar conditions dissimilar to those of any other colony. The combination of these circumstances presents a problem of extreme intricacy both to the government at the Cape and to the government of Great Britain. At the present moment it may be of interest if we endeavor briefly to point out what these conditions are. The territory of the Cape Colony has a breadth of about three hundred miles, and a length from east to west of about eight hundred, comprising an area of four hundred and fifty thousand square miles, not including the recently annexed territory of the Transvaal, which consists of one hun

corn, hay, and trees; the difficulty lies in the process of irrigation. These details are characteristic, because they affect the conditions of social life. The soil is fertile when moistened, but it is parched in summer, when the lack of water is felt, the surface being rich but not deep. This want of water is supplied to the flocks of sheep and herds of deer by the extraordinary abundance of succulent plants on which these animals feed. It is therefore a pastoral, not a corn-growing country, and is in most parts ill adapted to support a large civilized population. Famines are not unknown; the natives sometimes die by myriads of starvation, and even the British troops have suffered from the want of supplies. Except meat and fish, almost all the necessaries of life are dear. The wool of South Africa sells in England for

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people the Cape with yellow men. country suffers from a redundant popula tion of strong wild men and yet a scarcity of labor. The citizens of the Free State, wiser in their generation, admit no Kaffir within their frontier who will not work. This loafing class is of course the least civilized and the most dangerous part of the native population.

one-third less than the wool of Australia, | of slavery or of freedom, are not incapable the quality being inferior. of receiving instruction in the arts of civilHence South Africa is not to be com-ized life. It is there that the Christian pared with North America or Australia as missions and schools have produced the a field for emigration from Europe. The most creditable results; and in the Cape result is that the white population is still Colony, the Kaffir, earning Ios. a week and extremely small, not exceeding four hun- his food, enjoys and exercises the frandred and fifty thousand souls. Of these chise and all the rights of a citizen of a Mr. Trollope calculated that not more than free country. But it would be a mistake one hundred and twenty thousand are of to suppose that the progress of civilization English descent. Herr von Weber allows has effaced the hostility of races so widely us only ninety thousand Englishmen, and different from each other. After all, its Mr. Trollope says that there are only five influence must be extremely superficial. It thousand English occupiers of land. But appears from the census of 1875 that of if the white population is small, the black the Kaffirs within the Cape Colony whom or native population outnumbers it four- we have invested with the franchise, only fold, and in some parts (as in Natal) this 186 per cent. can read. The prevailing disproportion amounts to sixteen to one. vices are indolence and drunkenness. In The average is eight to one. The white spite of the enormous native population, population of Natal, which is chiefly Brit- but a small proportion of the Kaffirs or ish, has only increased from sixteen thou- Zulus will work. The land is infested with sand to twenty thousand in the last twenty idle savages; while, to plant the sugaryears, and it seems that the progeny of canes of Natal or the mealie-gardens of the white parents can with difficulty be reared Cape, coolies and Chinese are imported there. Moreover, beyond the confines of from Asia. There are ten thousand coolBritish territory lies the inexhaustible na-ies in Natal. Herr von Weber would tive population of the African continentinnumerable races of men, savage, superstitious, and warlike, who are brought into contact with the advancing pioneers of civilization, and attracted, rather than repelled, by the prospect of plunder, by the wages of labor, by the desire of drink, or, above all, for the acquisition of arms. Whatever else the black man has learned of us, he knows that the possession of a rifle makes him formidable; and such has been the infatuation or the corruption of the local government that we believe seven hundred and fifty thousand stand of arms, muskets or rifles, have been sold within the last few years to the natives. These native races, which are far too numerous ever to be exterminated, like the New Zealanders or the Australian aborigines, or to be driven back into their wildernesses, like the North American Indians, are daring and brave. Some of them, we know, have made considerable progress in the art of war. In short, the South African colonies are permeated and surrounded by hosts of savages armed with the weapons of civilized men. But it must also be said that some of these tribes are friendly to the British government, though no great reliance can be placed upon them; and that the Kaffir race shows some aptitude for labor and industry which raises it above the North American or Australian Indians, or even the Maories of New Zealand. The most encouraging feature of the case is that the Africans, whether in the state

The existence of the white settler in South Africa, and probably of his descendants for many generations, must be one of danger, if not of warfare. He carries his life in his hand. The very laborers he employs may become his enemies. The wages he pays them will be spent in arms, which may be used against him. Six Kaffir wars have broken out in half a century, and hideous tales of domestic massacre are not infrequent. No wonder that the British emigrant, free to choose his future home in lands where life and property are secure, declines to expose himself and family to these dangers. We therefore assert with entire conviction that these South African territories will never be colonized or cultivated by any large number of settlers from this country. The Englishmen who have gone there are either traders or speculators, in the ports, or mines, or diamond fields.

The Dutch Boers accepted these hard conditions, but they accepted them with feelings of mutual hatred and distrust. To them the slavery of the native races appeared to be inseparable from their posi

tion, and the philanthropic policy of the British government utterly unintelligible. Hence, even within the slender ranks of the white population, discord prevailed, and our administration has found it as difficult to deal with the Boers as with the natives.

were constructed. Nearly a million was promised for the completion of Port Elizabeth. The colonial ministers largely availed themselves of the influence derived from this plethora of wealth. Strange stories are told, but which we are unable to verify, of the contracts and bargains they made. At any rate an immense amount of patronage was thrown into their hands, and with patronage power. Hence these minis

The discovery of diamonds in what is now called West Griqualand, in 1871, increased and aggravated these difficulties by the introduction of the element of sud-ters of the Cape Colony thwarted and opden and excessive wealth. A fresh population of civilized men was attracted to the diamond fields from all parts of the earth by the love of adventure and the hope of gain; but they consisted for the most part of the waifs and strays of humanity. Fresh hordes of natives were also drawn to the diamond fields by the enormous wages which could be earned there, to be spent in the purchase of arms and gunpowder. It has been computed that the value of the diamonds found in the last seven years has reached ten millions sterling, and that the wages paid to natives at the diggings in four years amounted to 1,800,000l. Here, then, we have a curious sequence of events. The precious stones | and the ostrich feathers, which form two of the most important parts of the wealth and exports of the Cape Colony, serve to gratify the vanity and avarice of Europe; but on the country producing them they have bestowed the still more fatal gift of the means and implements of internecine

war.

Another curious result may be traced to the same cause. The Cape Colony, which down to 1871 had been one of limited financial resources, suddenly became rich. The larger part of the profits made in the diamond diggings passed, of course, into the pockets of the adventurers who had flocked to Bloemfontein and Kimberley. But an impulse was given to trade, imports, and expenditure, which told immediately on the finances of the colony. The imports, which had been 2,352,043/. in 1870, rose to 5,558,2157. in 1875. The colonial revenue was 831,2117. in 1870; nearly two millions in 1874; and about a million and a half in 1876 and 1877. The consequence was that the colonial government largely extended its operations. Great public works were undertaken. Loans were contracted. Five hundred miles of railroad

* Herr von Weber states that the sales of gunpowder to natives at Kimberley in fifteen months from April 1, 1873, to July 1, 1874, amounted in value to 75,000l.

A Cape of Good Hope government loan for four millions was issued on July 10, 1878. The memorandum for the information of investors states that the actual revenue has for several years largely exceeded

posed, for their personal and local interests, all the efforts of the imperial government to deal in a becoming spirit with the general interests of South Africa. They defeated the confederation scheme which had been recommended by Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Froude. They utterly neglected the defence of the provinces, and made no provision for the improvement of the colonial military establishment. They refused to acknowledge the danger at their gates, even when it was pointed out to them; and, provided the traders in Cape Town and the western districts were making large profits, they affected a sublime indif. ference to the perils of Natal and Kaffraria, and even invaded the restrictions which the legislature had tardily attempted to place on the sale of arms. It must, however, in fairness be stated that these remarks apply to the late Cape adminis tration rather than to the present ministers, who have endeavored to atone for some of the errors of their predecessors.

In 1853 constitutional government was established at the Cape of Good Hope, which had previously been a crown colony. In 1872 the Responsible Government Bill (as it was termed) was passed by a majority of one in the Cape Parliament, and the principle of popular representative and ministerial responsibility carried to the fullest extent. But the outlying provinces, and the separate colony of Natal, are not included within the limits of the constitu tion. Hence there is the utmost diversity

the estimates, whilst the actual expenditure has been considerably below the estimated expenditure. The revenue in 1875 was equal to 27. 4s. 6d. per head of the population, the total population (including natives) being 720,984; the total revenue 1,602,9187.; the public debt was 3,847, 108.; and the annual charge 187,2294. These figures were, however, subsequently enlarged. The object of the new loan of four millions was the extension of public works; but the Cape government seem to have lost sight of the fact that they cannot be allowed to throw on the mother country the expenses of war, whilst they are raising money for profitable investments for their own benefit. The Cape Colony receives the customs duties on the supplies from Europe which are consumed in the interior; hence it levies taxes on a portion of the territory and the population which do not belong to it, and even on the Free Orange State, which is surrounded on all sides by British prov inces

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in the administration of the country. The ures which may become necessary, fall governor alone represents the common in- within the competency of the colonial govterests of the whole territory, and the ernment or legislature. These are measpower of the governor is at the Cape ex-ures which the imperial government has tremely limited. As at least two-thirds of reluctantly been compelled to take. Minthe white population are Dutch, the En-isters are responsible for them not to a glish settlers, who reside chiefly in the Cape Parliament elected by a strange medeastern province, are, of course entirely ley of colonists, Dutch Boers and Kaffirs outnumbered and outvoted by the Dutch (for even the Kaffirs have votes), but to the party. So that even within the Cape Colony House of Commons. The whole questhe western and the eastern districts are at tion must be dealt with as one of imperial variance. Had the duties of government policy; and although we should have much been purely local, they might probably preferred to leave the Cape colonists, the have been sufficiently well performed by Boers, and the Kaffirs to settle their own these local politicians. But when they quarrels, since we have been compelled to rose to the importance of the affairs of an interfere with a large detachment of the empire the military defence of a huge forces of Great Britain, we may fairly territory, the organization of an efficient claim to determine the future policy to be police, the conduct of difficult negotiations pursued in South Africa by larger considwith subtle or hostile native chiefs and erations than the politicians of Cape Town tribes, and the adoption of a system of might embrace, especially as in many impolicy embracing the whole of South portant particulars their interests are at Africa —it is not too much to say that the variance with our own. Cape statesmen were utterly incompetent It would be difficult to show that the to the discharge of these duties, and that people of the United Kingdom derive any they have miserably failed in the perform- direct advantage from the possessions of ance of them. The result has been not the crown in South Africa, except that only disgrace and defeat, but danger to which consists in the occupation of an imevery civilized interest in the country. portant naval and commercial station at For aught the Cape ministry could or Cape Town and in Simon's Bay. This truth would have done, the whole native popula- has been repeatedly recognized by British tion might have risen, and the organized statesmen. As far as England is conforce of the Zulus might have ravaged the cerned, it would be far better to occupy land. It is evident from Sir Bartle and fortify a position not much larger than Frere's despatches and from General the fortress and territory of Gibraltar, at Cunynghame's reports that these perils the extremity of South Africa. For the were not imaginary. Their apprehen- reasons given above, South Africa can sions have since been confirmed by more never compete with North America, or serious events. They were foreseen and Australia as a field of emigration and settlepointed out by Herr von Weber, who said ment. Although it has been in our own posin 1876 that the sword of Damocles hung session for seventy years, and in that of over these colonies. And the end of it is, the Dutch for two centuries, the European for the present, that the British govern- population is small. Natal, with subtropiment, which resisted as long as it could cal climate, has been occupied for thirty the pressing appeals for reinforcements, years; yet it barely contains twenty thouhas been compelled to despatch an army sand white men. The bulk of the populain hot haste to the eastern coast, and to tion of South Africa consists, and must lay on the table of the House of Commons continue to consist, of semi-reclaimed savan estimate of a million and a half as the ages. In countries in which the laboring first instalment required for the present by population consists of an inferior race, another Cape war. We say "for the pres- the dignity of labor itself suffers: the ent," because we entertain no doubt that white man, whether under a system of the South African colonies both can and slavery or of freedom, scorns to perform ought to defray the cost of their own tasks which he can delegate to helots. defence. It is quite enough to lend He conceives himself to be an overseer of them British troops without laying the colored men, not a fellow-laborer. burden on the British taxpayers. From English agricultural laborer will work side the moment that British troops are by side with a Kaffir. If the South Afriin the field, and that this country is can territories were in reality a Britconducting military operations in South ish-born colony, we should place more Africa, it is impossible to admit that the reliance on the power of the race to work control of the forces, or the political meas-out its own destinies. But the population

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