pendent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. II. shalling in arms-the hostile array-the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption-the destruction of error by the potency of truth-the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love-and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. Their grievances, great as they were, were trifling in comparison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were never slavesnever bought and sold like cattle-never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion-never subjected to the lash of brutal task-masters. But those for whose emancipation we are striving-constituting at the present time at least onesixth part of our countrymen,-are recognized by the law, and treated by their fellow beings, as market DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS OF THE AMERICAN able commodities, as goods and chattels, as brute ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. The Convention assembled in the city of Philadelphia, to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the opportunity to promulgate the following Declaration of Sentiments as cherished by them in relation to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the American people. beasts; are plundered daily of the fruits of their toil without redress; really enjoying no constitutional nor legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon their persons, are ruthlessly torn asunder-the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother-the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband-at the caprice or pleasure of irresponMore than fifty-seven years have elapsed since a sible tyrants. For the crime of having a dark band of patriots convened in this place, to devise complexion, they suffer the pangs of hunger, the inmeasures for the deliverance of this country from a fliction of stripes, and the ignominy of brutal serviforeign yoke. The corner stone upon which they tude. They are kept in heathenish darkness by laws founded the Temple of Freedom was broadly this expressly enacted to make their instruction a crimi"that all men are created equal; and they are en-nal offence. dowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." At the sound of their trumpetcall three millions of people rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed to the strife of blood; deeming it more glorious to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves. They were few in number-poor in resources; but the honest conviction that Truth, Justice, and Right|the earth; and, therefore, were on their side, made them invincible. We have met together for the achievement of an enterprise, without which that of our fathers is incomplete; and which, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs as moral truth does physical force. These are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than two millions of our people, the proof of which may be found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the laws of the slaveholding states. Hence we maintain,- that in view of the civil and religious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression is unequalled by any other on the face of That it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy burdens, to break every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. We further maintain,-that no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother-to hold or acknowledge him, for one moment, as a piece of merchandize to keep back his hire by fraud-or to brutalize In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in de- his mind by denying him the means of intellectual, cision of purpose, in intrepidity of action, in stead-social and moral improvement. fastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them. The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it is to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own body—the products of his own labor-to the protection of law, and to the common advantages of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and subject him to servitude. Surely the sin is as great to enslave an American as an African. Their principles led them to wage war against their oppressors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be free. Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come. and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage; relying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty Therefore we believe and affirm-that there is through God to the pulling down of strong holds. no difference in principle, between the African slave Their measures were physical resistance- the mar-trade and American slavery: That every American citizen who detains a human, national compact, has no right to interfere with any being in involuntary bondage as his property, is of the slave states, in relation to this momentous according to scripture (Ex. xxi. 16) a man stealer: That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law: That if they lived from the time of Pharaoh down to the present period, and had been entailed through successive generations, their right to be free could never have been alienated, but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity. subject; But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several states, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction. We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free states, to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United States. They are now living under a pledge of their tremendous physical force, to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of mil That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are therefore before God utterly null and void; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringement on the law of nature, a base overthrow of the very foundations of the social compact, a complete extinc-lions in the southern states; they are liable to be tion of all the relations, endearments, and obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments-and that therefore they ought instantly to be abrogated. called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves; they authorize the slave owner to vote on three fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the south for its protection; and they seize the slave who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal driver. This relation to slavery is criminal and full of dan We further believe and affirm-that all persons of color who possess the qualifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as others; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of intelli-ger: it must be broken up. gence, should be opened as widely to them as to persons of a white complexion. These are our views and principles-these our With entire confidence in designs and measures. We maintain that no compensation should be given the overruling justice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our Independence and the to the planters emancipating the slaves; Because it would be a surrender of the great fun-truths of Divine Revelation as upon the Everlasting damental principle that man cannot hold property in man; Rock. We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if pos Because slavery is a crime, and therefore is not sible, in every city, town and village in our land. an article to be sold; Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of what they claim; freeing the slaves is not depriving them of property, but restoring it to its rightful owners; it is not wronging the master, but righting the slave-restoring him to himself: Because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nominal, not real property; it would not amputate a limb or break a bone of the slaves, but by infusing motives into their breasts, would make them doubly valuable to the masters as free laborers; and Because, if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have plundered and abused them. We regard as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, any scheme of expatriation which pretends to aid, either directly or indirectly in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and total abolition of slavery. We shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty, and rebuke. We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery. We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of slaves by giving a preference to their productions: and We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. We may Our trust for victory is solely in God. be personally defeated, but our principles never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. Already a host is coming up to the help of the Lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement. Submitting this declaration to the candid examination of the people of this country, and of the We fully and unanimously recognise the sovereign- friends of liberty throughout the world, we hereby ty of each state, to legislate exclusively on the sub-affix our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, ject of the slavery which is tolerated within its under the guidance and by the help of Almighty limits; we concede that Congress, under the present God we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the | invaders, no individual possesses that right in his most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth-to deliver our land from its deadliest curse-to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon-and to secure to the colored population of the United States all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men, and as Americans—come what may to our persons, our interests, or our reputation-whether we live to witness the triumph of liberty, justice and humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and holy cause. own case. The unit cannot be of greater importance than the aggregate. If one man may take life, to obtain or defend his rights, the same license must necessarily be granted to communities, states, and nations. If he may use a dagger or a pistol, they may employ cannon, bomb-shells, land and naval forces. The means of self-preservation must be in proportion to the magnitude of interests at stake, and the number of lives exposed to destruction. But if a rapacious and blood-thirsty soldiery, thronging these shores from abroad, with intent to commit Done at Philadelphia, the sixth day of December, A. D. 1833. rapine and destroy life, may not be resisted by the III. DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS people or magistracy, then ought no resistance to be offered to domestic troublers of the public peace, or of private security. No obligation can rest upon Americans to regard foreigners as more sacred in Adopted by the Peace Convention, held in Boston, their persons than themselves, or to give them a Assembled in Convention, from various sections of the American Union, for the promotion of peace are approvingly ordained of God, and that the powon earth, and good will among men, we, the under-ers that be in the United States, in Russia, in Tursigned, regard it as due to ourselves, to the cause key, are in accordance with His will, is not less which we love, to the country in which we live, and absurd than impious. It makes the impartial Author to the world, to publish a Declaration, expressive of human freedom and equality, unequal and tyranof the principles we cherish, the purposes we aim nical. It cannot be affirmed, that the powers that to accomplish, and the measures we shall adopt to be, in any nation, are actuated by the spirit, or carry forward the work of peaceful universal re- guided by the example of Christ, in the treatment of formation. enemies therefore, they cannot be agreeable to the will of God: and, therefore, their overthrow, by a spiritual regeneration of their subjects, is inevitable. We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government; neither can we oppose any such government, by a resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound by the laws of a kingdom which is not of this world; the subjects of which are forbidden to fight; in which Mercy and Truth are met together, and Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other; which has no state lines, no national partitions, no geographical boundaries; in which there is no distinction of rank, or division of caste, or inequality of sex; the officers of which are Peace, its exactors Righteousness, its walls Salvation, and its gates Praise; and which is destined to break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms. Our country is the world, our countrymen are all mankind. We love the land of our nativity, only as we love all other lands. The interests, rights, and liberties of American citizens are no more dear to us, than are those of the whole human race. Hence, we can allow no appeal to patriotism, to revenge any national insult or injury. The Prince of Peace, under whose stainless banner we rally, came not to destroy, but to save, even the worst of enemies. He has left us an example, that we should follow his steps. God commendeth his love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. We conceive that if a nation has no right to defend itself against foreign enemies, or to punish its We register our testimony, not only against all wars, whether offensive or defensive, but all preparations for war; against every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification; against the militia system and a standing army; against all military chieftains and soldiers; against all monuments commemorative of victory over a foreign foe, all trophies won in battle, all celebrations in honor of military or naval exploits; against all appropriations for the defence of a nation by force and arms, on the part of any legislative body; against every edict of government, requiring of its subjects military service. Hence, we deem it unlawful to bear arms, or to hold a military office. As every human government is upheld by physi. cal strength, and its laws are enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet, we cannot hold any office which imposes upon its incumbent the obligation to do right, on pain of imprisonment or death. We therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legislative and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, worldly honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot occupy a seat in the legislature, or on the bench, neither can we elect others to act as our substitutes in any such capacity. It follows that we cannot sue any man at law, to compel him by force to restore any thing which he may have wrongfullly taken from us or others; but, if he has seized our coat, we shall surrender up our cloak, rather than subject him to punishment. We believe that the penal code of the old covenant, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, has been abrogated by Jesus Christ; and that, under the new covenant, the forgiveness, instead of the punishment of enemies, has been enjoined upon all disciples, in all cases whatsoever. To extort money from enemies, or set them upon a pillory, or cast them into prison, or hang them upon a gallows, is obviously not to forgive, but to take retribution, Vengeance is mine-I will repay, saith the Lord. swords shall be beaten into plough shares, and spears into pruning-hooks, and men shall not learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who manufacture, sell, or wield those deadly weapons, do thus array themselves against the peaceful domi|nion of the Son of God on earth. Having thus briefly, but frankly, stated our principles and purposes, we proceed to specify the measures we propose to adopt, in carrying our object into effect. We expect to prevail through the foolishness of preaching striving to commend ourselves unto every man's conscience, in the sight of God. From the press we shall promulgate our sentiments as widely as practicable. We shall endeavor to secure the co-operation of all persons, of whatever name or sect. The triumphant progress of the cause of Temperance and of Abolition in our land, through the instrumentality of benevolent and voluntary associations, encourages us to combine our own means and efforts for the promotion of a still greater cause. Hence we shall employ lecturers, circulate tracts and publications, form societies, and petition our state and national governments in relation to the subject of Universal Peace. It will be our lead The history of mankind is crowded with evidences, proving that physical coercion is not adapted to moral regeneration; that the sinful dispositions of man can be subdued only by love; that evil can be exterminated from the earth only by goodness; that it is not safe to rely upon an arm of flesh, upon man whose breath is in his nostrils, to preserve us from harm; that there is great security in being gentle, harmless, long-suffering, and abundant in mercy; that it is only the meek who shall inherit the earth, for the violent, who resort to the sword, shall perish with the sword. Hence, as a measure of sound policy, of safety to property, of life, and liberty, of public quietude and private enjoyment,-asing object to devise ways and means for effecting a well as on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of kings, and Lord of lords,we cordially adopt the non-resistance principle; being confident that it provides for all possible consequences, will ensure all things needful to us, is armed with omnipotent power, and must ultimately triumph over every assailing force. We advocate no jacobinical doctrines. The spirit of jacobinism is the spirit of retaliation, violence and murder. It neither fears God, nor regards man. We would be filled with the spirit of Christ. If we abide by our principles, it is impossible for us to be disorderly, or plot treason, or participate in any evil work:-we shall submit to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake; obey all the requirements of government, except such as we deem contrary to the commands of the gospel; and in no wise resist the operation of law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobedience. radical change in the views, feelings and practices of society, respecting the sinfulness of war, and the treatment of enemies. In entering upon the great work before us, we are not unmindful that, in its prosecution, we may be called to test our sincerity, even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us to insult, outrage, suffering, yea, even death itself. We anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresentation, calumny. Tumults may arise against us. The ungodly and violent, the proud and pharisaical, the ambitious and tyrannical, principalities and powers, and spiritual wickedness in high places, may combine to crush us. So they treated the Messiah, whose example we are humbly striving to imitate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall reign with him. We shall not be afraid of their terror, neither be troubled. Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty, not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, what can sustain us but that faith which overcomes the world? We shall not think it strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, as though some strange thing had happened unto us; but rejoice, in But, while we shall adhere to the doctrine of nonresistance and passive submission to enemies, we purpose, in a moral and spiritual sense, to speak and act boldly in the cause of God; to assail inquity in high places and in low places; to apply our princi-asmuch as we are partakers of Christ's sufferings. ples to all existing, civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical institutions; and to hasten the time, when the kingdoms of this world will become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign | or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for forever. Christ's sake, shall receive an hundred fold, and shall Wherefore, we commit the keeping of our souls to God, in well-doing, as unto a faithful Creator. For every one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, It appears to us a self-evident truth, that, what-inherit everlasting life. ever the gospel is designed to destroy at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. If, then, the time is predicted, when Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of the sentiments contained in this Declaration, however formidable may be the opposition ar rayed against them,-in solemn testimony of our faith in their divine origin,-we hereby affix our signatures to it; commending it to the reason and conscience of mankind, giving ourselves no anxiety as to what may befal us, and resolving in the strength of the Lord God calmly and meekly to abide the issue. ON ANOTHER'S SORROW. BY WILLIAM BLAKE. Can I see another's wo, Can I see a falling tear, And not feel my sorrow's share? Can a mother sit and hear An infant groan, an infant fear? No! no! never can it be ! Never, never can it be ! And can He who smiles on all, And not sit beside the nest, Pouring pity in their breast? And not sit the cradle near, Weeping tear on infant's tear? And not sit both night and day, He doth give His Joy to all: He becomes an Infant small: He becomes a Man of wo : He doth feel the sorrow too. Think not thou canst sigh a sigh, And thy Maker is not nigh: Think not thou canst weep a tear, And thy Maker is not near. Oh! He giveth us His Joy, ABSENCE. BY FRANCES A. BUTLER. What shall I do with all the days and hours Shall love for thee lay on my soul the sin To bring the hour that brings thee back more near? How may I teach my drooping hope to live Until that blessed time, and thou art here? I'll tell thee for thy sake, I will lay hold All heavenward flights, all high and holy strains; I will this dreary blank of absence make A thousand graces which shall thus be thine; TO AN INFANT. BY WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Fair bud of being! blossoming like the rose- Thou from its tender stem untimely break, |