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It is likewise very observable of late' (are his words) that the Whigs, upon all occasions, profess their belief of the 'Pretender's being no impostor, but a real prince, born of the Queen's body; which, whether it be true or false, is very un'seasonably advanced, considering the weight such an opinion must have with the vulgar, if they once thoroughly believe 'it.' Swift only says this by way of retort on his adversaries; but the circumstance is worth noting notwithstanding. Add to this the natural defections which mere lapse of time produces from a successful cause; add the manoeuvres of those worthy men, inevitable in all political crises, whose humour is to part company with their associates for bye-reasons, those who were then called Whimsicals' and Refiners' (a favourite phrase of Swift), and are now accused of a propensity to settle themselves in caves, and we shall see how little the nominal Whig party could be relied on, at that moment, as an unanimous league in support of the Protestant succession.'

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One minor mystery of the time (as far as we know) is uninvestigated, and courts closer inquiry. In June 1714, after a good deal of fencing on the part of Anne, a proclamation was issued for the apprehension of the Pretender, whenever he 'should attempt to land in Great Britain' (see Lord Mahon, ch. 3.) Now the author of the article on Queen Anne, in the Biographie universelle,' M. de Treneuil, affirms that 'des mémoires secrets, connus de l'auteur de cet article, l'autorisent à croire que Jacques III débarquait secrètement à Londres, pour y voir sa sœur, dans le tems même où 'elle lui défendait d'aborder en Angleterre sous peine de s'y voir hors la loi.' And Voltaire (Siècle de Louis XIV, ch. 24) says, 'J'ai vu la duchesse de Marlborough persuadée que la reine avait fait venir son frère en secret.' And M. Grimblot's researches afford a new and rather striking corroboration of these curious indications. On July 6th, a fortnight after this proclamation, Gaultier writes to De Torcy, Les émissaires de M. le comte d'Oxford ont pris soin de faire courir dans le monde depuis trois mois que le sujet de la mésintelligence qui était entre ce ministre et mylord Bolingbroke venait de ce que Bolingbroke travaillait et 'prenait des mesures pour faire passer ici le prétendant, et que 'le grand trésorier s'y opposait de toutes ses forces. Mylord Bolingbroke m'a avoué ce matin que devant tous ces discours il n'avait pas osé se déclarer dans le conseil et empêcher la proclamation, et qu'il avait cru au contraire qu'il était de la prudence d'étre du sentiment de ceux qui souhaitaient la proclamation.' Is it possible that the visit, thus evidently


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prepared, actually took place; and that the last moments of the poor Queen, who died not many weeks after the date of this letter, were disturbed, not merely by a quarrel between two worthless Ministers, but by the recollection of a recent scene with a brother on whose freedom she had put a price; whose claims placed her conscience in a position of most embarrassing doubt, between the rights of blood on the one hand, and what Duchess Sarah irreverently terms her passion for 'what she called the Church' on the other? We can only say, there is nothing to refute the story in the way of internal evidence. The Pretender was certainly in Paris about the critical time. It is conceivable that the final rupture between him and his sister arose from the one strong point of his character-his resolution not only to maintain allegiance to the Church of Rome, but not to bind himself by any conditions which appeared to him unjustly to restrict its influence in Catholic Ireland. A rare and admirable instance,' Lord Mahon most justly remarks, of religious sincerity in ' princes.' The correspondence of his agents on the subject of their relations with Queen Anne's Ministers is full of it. In point of fact, his obstinacy on this head seems to have served intriguers like Harley and St. John with their best and readiest excuse for constantly delaying to act up to their promises in his behalf. Brother and sister stood opposed to each other, weak of will and dull of intellect, but on one point only staunch, and on that irreconcilable. It was a singular sport of destiny that the religious Stuarts had invariably to suffer for their steadiness; the irreligious were sometimes prosperous, and always popular. Charles II. reaped the benefit of the steadfastness of his unfortunate predecessor. Charles Edward-who cared nothing for the Church of Rome, and who, there is good reason for believing, visited England in 1750 with the intention of abjuring it-attained the honours of a defender of the faith, while the real devotion of his unlucky father was forgotten.

'Di Carlo il freddo cenere

Questa breve urna serra,
Figlio del terzo Giacomo,
Signore d'Inghilterra.
'Fuori del regno patrio

A lui che tomba diede?
Infedeltà di popolo,
Integrità di fede.'

Fine lines, and which would have the additional merit of truth if we might read the last lines as applicable to the father instead of the son.

Every outward sign on the surface of politics seemed, in short, to point to the accession of the Pretender just before the death of Anne, save his religious pertinacity only; and some, at all events, of the leading politicians thought they saw their way to render this innocuous. What was the cause which so effectually and at once changed the current of probabilities, that when that long-expected decease at last took place, the Elector of Hanover was brought over amidst a general expression of assent almost, if not quite, as hearty as that which had greeted William III.? that the Jacobite Ministers, who had England seemingly at their feet in July 1714, were objects of public detestation and State prosecution in March 1715? We cannot say that the real springs of this extraordinary revolution have been laid bare by impartial historical research. But we believe the main cause to have been a simple one-the unanimous popular voice, excited by the approach of danger to the popular religion. On this head all except the upper fewall except the Romanist section of the Tories, and, perhaps, the philosophic section of the Whigs—were thoroughly agreed. The Dissenters and Low Churchmen, who formed the strength of the latter party, were not in truth more zealous in the Protestant cause than the squires and peasants who stood by the Church. The Tories were ready enough to go along with their chiefs as far as the Devil's antechamber, to use a phrase attributed to Cardinal Antonelli, but they would not cross his threshold. And in those days the line between Protestant and Papist was clearly drawn. There was no halting between two opinions. No doubt high Romanising views found place among the clergy. Dodwell and Hicks went as far in that direction as Dr. Pusey and Mr. Bennett; but they had no following whatever among the laity. The nonjuring party was simply clerical throughout. And thus the anticipations of Bolingbroke, who well knew the country of which his evil genius made him the enemy, were fully justified-the cause shattered before the honest religious obstinacy of its prince; and the whole fabric of Tory policy, so successful and so brilliant for a season, heralded by such lofty anticipations, adorned by so much wit, and literature, and showy political ingenuity, vanished along with it like a dream.

It is, however, to the traditions of that special period of Tory Government, comprising only the last half of the reign, that we owe our popular impressions of the age of Anne,' although its military and political triumphs are of course due to the Whig era which preceded it, and were terminated by the Sacheverell prosecution and the fall of the

Duchess of Marlborough. To the Age of Anne' Lord Stanhope has devoted the last, which will be to many readers the most interesting, chapter of the present work. And his endeavour is to establish, in contravention of Lord Macaulay's well-known views expressed in the corresponding chapter of the first volume of his history, that the scale of greater public 'happiness' inclines to the side of that age as against our own. We do not deny that on many points we are disposed to agree with him. But we must invite our readers to draw for themselves the general comparison, and content ourselves with desultory remarks on one or two features of the question, on which we either cannot quite follow him, or wish to add some illustrations to his doctrine.

He believes that in English society as then constituted, there was less violent competition for employment, both in the middle and lower classes :

'As regards the liberal professions and the employments in the civil service, it may be deemed, from the absence at least of any indications to the contrary, that under Queen Anne there was more of equality between the supply and the demand. The number of men of good character and good education who desired to enter any career was not disproportioned to the number of openings which that career presented. It followed that any person endowed with fair aptitude and common application, and engaging in any recognised walk of life, was in due time certain or nearly certain of a livelihood. Riches and distinction were of course, as in every state of society, the portion of the few, but there was competence for the many. How greatly the times have changed! At present there are few things more distressing, to anyone who desires to see general prosperity and content prevail, than to find start up, whenever any opening in any career is made known, not one or two, but ten or twenty candidates. Every one of these twenty may be in many cases perfectly well qualified to fill the place that he seeks, yet only one can be chosen. What then is to become of the other nineteen?' (P. 571.)

What indeed? If the reasoning is literally to be accepted in the sense in which Lord Stanhope puts it, the prospect would be hopeless. Out of every twenty young educated men who are candidates for employment suited to their class, nineteen must emigrate, or become pensioners on their more fortunate friends, or must find occupation in some lower walk of life. But, in point of fact, these anticipations are not realised. Some no doubt emigrate, and some become dependents, but the number is not relatively large. Very few descend into the lower walks of life,' to add to the competition for employment there. Any one of us, who is a member of the middle classes and familiar with the world, can count with little


difficulty the list of his acquaintances who, starting in life as gentlemen,' have become tradesmen, or domestics, or mechanics. Such instances we all know to be most exceptional. Then, to repeat the question, what becomes of the nineteen? The answer, we cannot but suspect, will be found in the circumstance that Lord Stanhope has made himself the victim of an arithmetical fallacy into which we have constantly seen good reasoners fall. The nineteen, who miss one situation, do not therefore miss all situations. At the next ' opening,' the nineteen rejected (to put it broadly) will reappear as candidates, together with one new candidate. And SO on until they are all absorbed, or at all events a much larger proportion than Lord Stanhope's despondent statistics would lead us to anticipate :

'Of this superabundance, however, increasing from year to year, the cause' (adds Lord Stanhope) 'is twofold, and easy to assign. The general spread of first-class education has on this point perhaps been of no unmixed advantage. It has sent forth a crowd of persons of both sexes well qualified by their position for any liberal profession or place of intellectual labour; and it has in the same measure disinclined them for other posts less literate, or of less rank in the social scale, which in former days would have contented them. Thus it happens that while the number of claimants has immensely increased, the number of places to which they aspire has, at least in some departments, grown


We very much question one portion at least of the supposed facts from which Lord Stanhope draws his conclusion. That there has been a general spread of first-class education' in the professional sense in which the words are here used—that is, as an introduction to the liberal professions-seems to us rather contrary to known evidence. Instruction in its highest branches has no doubt greatly improved since the reign of Anne; while primary education, then very imperfect, has become at least widely extended; but there is some reason for supposing that the proportion of the people who had received ordinary middle-class education was greater then than now. The noble zeal in the cause of letters which burnt so strongly in this country during the period which followed the Reformation took in the main this special direction. For the families of both tradesmen and gentry abundant resources were furnished by more than three hundred grammar schools (professing to teach Greek and Latin), and by many hundred endowed' schools of very miscellaneous character. Of the quality of the education thus supplied we are not here speaking; we are concerned only with the fact that the regular

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