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I can tell the honorable member, once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he is dealing with one of whose temper and character he has yet much to learn.
Sir, I shall not allow myself, on this occasion,-I hope on no occasion,—to be betrayed into any loss of temper; but if provoked, as I trust I never shall allow myself to be, into crimination and recrimination, the honorable member may, perhaps, find that in that contest there will be blows to take, as well as blows to give; that others can state comparisons as significant, at least, as his own; and that his impunity may, perhaps, demand of him whatever powers of taunt and sarcasm he may possess. I commend him to a prudent husbandry of his resources.
TONE OF MODESTY.
(See Tone Drill No. 139.) [This tone indicates a self-depreciation compatible with no loss of self-respect.]
The Saviors of the Nation.
ULYSSES S. GRANT.
I share with you all the pleasure and gratitude which Americans so far away from home should feel on this anniversary. But I must dissent from one remark of our consul to the effect that I saved the country during the war. If our country could be saved or ruined by the efforts of any one man, we should not have a country and we should not be celebrating our Fourth of July. There are many men who would have done far better than I did, under the circumstances in which I found myself during the war. If I had never held command, if I had fallen, if all our generals had fallen, there were ten thousand behind us who would have done our work just as well, who would have followed the contest to the end, and never surrendered the Union.
Therefore, it is a mistake and a reflection upon the people to attribute to me, or to any number of us, who hold high commands, the salvation of the Union. We did our work as well as we could, and so did hundreds of thousands of others. We demand no credit for it, for we should have been unworthy of our country, and of the American name, if we had not made every sacrifice to save the Union.
What saved the Union was the coming forward of the young men of the nation. They came from their homes and fields, as they did in the time of the Revolution, giving everything to the country. To their devotion we owe the salvation of the Union. The humblest soldier who carried a musket is entitled to as much credit for the results of the war as those who were in command. So long as our young men are animated by this spirit, there will be no fear for the Union.
TONE OF BOLDNESS.
(See Tone Drill No. 33.) [The tone of Boldness manifests fearlessness. listener, “I dare to do.'']
It says to the
SIR WALTER SCOTT.
O young Lochinvar is come out of the West,-
He stayed not for brake, and he stopped not for stone,
The bride had consented, the gallant came late:
So boldly he entered the Netherby hall,
“I long wooed your daughter,-my suit you denied ;-
The bride kissed the goblet; the knight took it up,
So stately his form, and so lovely her face,
One touch to her hand, and one word in her ear,
There was mounting 'mong Græmes of the Netherby clan;
TONE OF DETERMINATION.
(See Tone Drill No. 69.)
[The tone of Determination is closely allied to that of Assertion, and says, “My mind is made up." "This shall be so.'' "I will: not yield.]
For myself, I propose, sir, to abide by the principles and purposes which I have avowed. I shall stand by the Union, and by all who stand by it. I shall do justice to the whole country, according to the best of my ability, in all I say, and act for the good of the whole country in all I do. mean to stand upon the Constitution. I need no other platform. I shall know but one country. The ends I aim at shall be my country's, my God's, and truth's.
I was born an American, I will live an American, I shall die an American, and I intend to perform the duties incumbent upon me in that character to the end of my career.
I mean to do this with absolute disregard of personal consequences. What are personal consequences? What is the individual man, with all the good or evil that may betide him, in comparison with the good or evil which may befall a great country in a crisis like this, and in the midst of great transactions which concern that country's fate? Let the consequences be what they may, I am careless. No man can suffer too much, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer, or if he fall, in defence of the liberties and constitution of his country.
On a Motion to Censure the Ministry.
The triumphs of party, sir, shall never seduce me to any inconsistency which the busiest suspicion shall presume to glance at. I will never engage in political enmities without a public cause. I will never forego such enmities without the public approbation; nor will I be questioned and cast off in the face of the House, by one virtuous and dissatisfied friend. These, sir, the sober and durable triumphs of reason over the weak and profligate inconsistencies of party violence,—these, sir, the steady triumphs of virtue over success itself,—shall be mine not only in my present condition, but through every future condition of my life; triumphs which no length of time shall diminish, which no change of principles shall ever sully.
It is impossible to deprive me of those feelings, which must always spring from the sincerity of my endeavors to fulfill with integrity every official engagement. You may take from me, sir, the privileges and emoluments of place; but you cannot, and you shall not, take from me those habitual and warm regards for the prosperity of my country, which constitute the honor, the happiness, the pride of my life; and which I trust death alone can extinguish.