charge of violence, but say that the new soon be disabused of his present theories. immigrants were unable to manage the black His contempt for free labour is uneradicated, freedmen, and were discontented at finding and he thinks that the English or German themselves excluded from society. Both accounts are probably true of different parts of the country. Anyhow, it is certain that the adventurers were soon glad to return North; and the Northern merchant who wishes to speculate in planting is now careful to engage a Southern partner. That the Southern gentry should not have learned to look with kindness upon their conquerors is natural. But it is only fair to remember that the list of plantations which cannot find a purchaser would be considerably reduced if two-thirds of the population of the Union were not practically excluded from the market for land in the South. Assuming it, then, as proved that the South is repairing the loss of wealth, the question whether it can regain its political power remains. As regards community and compactness of sentiment the South is perhaps even stronger than before. Many of its best citizens deprecated the breaking-up of the Union, though they cast their fortunes in with their countrymen. But such a party does not exist at present among the whites. The last 4th of July was celebrated south of the Potomac by negroes and officeholders almost exclusively. Accordingly, many Republicans look to government by the Negro vote as a necessity for years to come; while the landowners of Virginia and South Carolina are anxious to swamp the coloured population by attracting English and German immigrants. It is hazardous to dispute conclusions that are accepted by two political parties, but it may be questioned how far either of them has grasped the situation. Of course, if a war of races should break out in the South, the unhappy division of colour will distinguish parties to eternity, and the Blacks, if they are not exterminated or driven into separate States, will remain protected by the North and clients of the Republican party. But it may be hoped that this deplorable struggle will be averted. In that case, it cannot be long before the Southern landowners discover that English and German immigrants will not settle in a country where the best land is already occupied, and where its price is much higher and the wages of labour lower than in the West. Even if emigrants be brought over they will not work for a dollar a day, or buy land for twenty-five dollars in South Carolina, if they hear of the West, with its more temperate climate, its millions of acres at one dollar and a quarter, and its railways offering two dollars and a half a day to the labourer. The Southern gentleman on his side will peasant may be as easily managed as "the mean white." Six months' contact with the first immigrants will dispel this illusion, and the planter will be as slow to invite as the free labourer to settle. A time may indeed come, and perhaps sooner than is expected, when the tide of emigration will be turned Southwards by want of land in the West. But till then white and black will be left to adjust their positions toward one another, with the sword of the North protecting the weaker party. The result will probably be that the whites will accept their position and make the best of it. They retain in some degree the influence of old ascendancy, they possess money and land, and they outnumber the coloured people in most of the Southern States. Living habitually among them, they have no real feeling of race, and are only divided from them by the traditions of a dominant caste. They will sacrifice this to their craving for political power; will recognize the enfranchisement with some dim project of laws limiting the suffrage; and having reassured the negroes on the one point about which they are justly anxious, will draw the greater number of them into their ranks, and drive the Northern officeholders from power. The late vote in Mississippi, when the Constitution was rejected, is a proof how triumphantly this policy may be carried out. It will probably be made easier by the fact generally stated that the coloured population in the South is visibly diminishing. Many, especially in Kentucky, are going Northwards and taking service in the cities. It is said, too, that the coloured children are no longer as well cared for as in slavery. Then the master looked keenly after his property. Now the parents, demoralized by long years of slavery, are partly careless of their offspring, and partly unable to care for them intelligently. Whether, however, these losses will balance those that the whites sustained in the war is a fact that cannot be known till the next census. Briefly, then, we think, the South is slowly but surely repairing the losses of war, that the negro question will be settled by the whites recognizing the Negro vote and the Blacks identifying themselves with Southern interests, and that the South will resume its place as a distinctive and powerful part of the Union. How far in such a case the antipathies that still rankle from the late miserable contest will influence the policy of the Southern leaders is a question on which it is difficult to speculate. In a The country where population is so sparse a as a misfortune if the South should resume general system of education is difficult or her place in the national councils at no impossible, and the provincial feeling is very distant period, though her level of civilstronger than the sentiment of nationality. ization be not equal to the Northern. The peculiar industries of the plantations spectacle of vicarious government, a Poland are best managed by large proprietors. or Ireland administered by its more powerAccordingly, several distinctive features of ful neighbour, is not one that any thinking the South in old times, a recognized aristoc- man can wish to see repeated in the New racy, a half educated people, and certain World. To those, like ourselves, who separatist tendencies, are not likely to be think that the balance of power had better effaced, in a few years. On the other hand, be left to nature than adjusted by cabinets, the great cause of division has been removed the spectacle of a single State ruling from by the abolition of slavery, and every year the Pacific to the Atlantic is rather subject of peace is welding North and South more for speculation than for alarm. But that and more firmly together. A temperate another civil war should break out in Amerand generous statesmanship, which shall ica, or that the South should be deprived neither sacrifice the negro nor humiliate the permanently of self-government, are continwhite man needlessly, may assist the silent gencies that cannot be regarded with pleaswork of time in obliterating the old feud. ure. We believe that the prospect is more If the issue of the coming elections end, as hopeful than is commonly assumed, and appears probable, in the triumph of the that the war of freedom waged by the North Republicans, with strength to govern but will receive its last vindication in the restowithout strength to abuse, there is every ration of the South to all the prosperity and hope that present difficulties may be ad- power it may fairly claim as an integral part justed. Meanwhile, we cannot regard it of the Union. 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