traordinary, a grace," says Rawley, "if I err not, scarce known before." At this time the court was divided by two parties; of one the chief stay was the venerable lord Burghley, whose son, a contemporary of Bacon, was just then entering into public life. The head of the other party was the personal favourite of the queen, the gallant and accomplished earl of Essex. (See DEVEREUX, Robert.) It was to the latter that Bacon attached himself, without, however, withdrawing altogether from connexion and communication with his uncle. The reason of his choice he has stated to have been, a conviction that the earl" was the fittest instrument to do good to the state," and he devoted himself to his patron, "neglecting the queen's service, his own fortune, and, in a manner, his vocation." (Apology, Works, vol. vi. p. 248.) The brilliant qualities and chivalrous bearing of Essex, may also be supposed to have attracted his regard. Again, he may have believed the earl's influence with the queen to have exceeded that of Burghley; and, above all, he may, and indeed did, without doubt, feel that the lord-treasurer would be indisposed to assist from a regard to the interests of his own son. He, however, was not deterred from urging on Burghley his anxiety to obtain some appointment about the court, assuring the minister that he was "born under Sol that loveth honour, not under Jupiter that loveth business, but wholly carried away by the contemplative planet." These solicitations obtained for him the reversion of the office of registrar of the Star-chamber, worth about 1600. a year, (under "a good chancellor," Bacon remarked, "worth more,") which did not, however, fall into possession for nearly twenty years afterwards. In spite of Bacon's assertion, that he sought office only as enabling him to devote his time to study, he was, undoubtedly, actuated by ambition-the laudable ambition of distinguishing himself in public life.* In order to conciliate, as much as possible, the favour of the Cecils, he in the following year put forth a reply to a scandalous libel, supposed to have been written by the Jesuit Parsons, against lord Burghley and his policy. In this tract,-of which

Such, indeed, is the statement of his faithful

chaplain and affectionate biographer, Dr. Rawley, who says of him, that "notwithstanding that he professed the law for his livelihood and subsistence, yet his heart and affections was more carried after the affairs and places of state, for which, if the majesty royal then had been pleased, he was most fit."

the title is, Certain Observations upon a Libel, published in this present year, 1592, entitled, A Declaration of the true Causes of the great Troubles, presupposed to be intended against the realm of England, he remarks of Burghley, "that though he be not canonized for a saint in Rome, yet he is worthily celebrated as pater patriæ in England; and though he be libelled against by fugitives, yet he is prayed for by a multitude of good subjects;" and concludes, by declaring, that to " great parts," he added, “ temper of affection," with "ability of moderation," and great diligence and love of travail;" and what was superior to all, "faith and sincerity." Of Robert Cecil, he speaks in terms scarcely less eulogistic, pronouncing him to possess "one of the rarest and most excellent wits in England," and almost all the qualities proper to an accomplished statesman. (Resuscitatio, p. 117.) In this year Bacon entered parliament as one of the representatives for Middlesex, an honour which he obtained, probably, through the agency of his brother Anthony, who had a considerable estate in the county. (See BACON, Anthony.) He appears to have devoted himself to the discharge of his parliamentary duties with great assiduity and zeal, (Letter from Mr. A. Bacon, Birch, vol. i. p. 93.) In the first speech which he delivered, we readily detect that love of improvement and hostility to rash and illadvised innovation which afterwards distinguished him. In this he expressed a strong opinion in favour of law reform, provided, however, it were undertaken with caution, and pursued with discretion, (D'Ewes, Feb. 26, 1592.) Four days afterwards, he had an opportunity of showing his affection to the privileges of the commons, and on the debate respecting a message from the lords, demanding a conference on the subject of a subsidy, he rose and insisted on the undoubted right of the commons to originate all motions for supply, and succeeded in spite of the opposition of Cecil, and the mediation of Raleigh, in inducing the house to decline the required conference, (D'Ewes, pp. 483-4; Hatsell, Preced. vol. iii. p. 111.) Three days after this he was again committed with the government, and that too on a matter of sup ply. He objected not to the amount of the vote proposed, but to its payment under six years, contending that any other course "would breed discontentment," and, consequently, endanger her majesty's

safety, which he declared to "consist more in the love of the people than their wealth," (D'Ewes, 7th March.) When this speech was reported to the queen she expressed the highest displeasure, and desired both the lord-treasurer and the lord-keeper Puckering to communicate to Bacon her indignation at the freedom with which he had spoken of the measures of her government. Bacon, however, probably surmised the true cause of her displeasure, when, in reply to their admonition, he assured Burghley and Puckering that he had said what he had done from no desire of courting popularity, but simply from a feeling of duty. (Works, vol. xii. p. 28.) The rebuke, however, had the desired effect of inducing him, for the future, to support the government on all occasions; but in such a manner, if we are to believe Mr. Montagu, as to be " ever regarded as an advocate of the people." (Life, p. 38.) His pecuniary embarrassments about this time became so great, as to affect even his health, which, in itself naturally infirm, it may be supposed, suffered also in some degree from his severe studies, and close attention to his legislative duties. His brother Anthony, who had assisted him with his purse even to his own detriment, applied to his mother (16th April, 1593) to execute an intention she had formerly expressed of disposing of her interest in an estate, to pay off his brother's debts. "It cannot but be a grief to me," Anthony observes, in the conclusion of his letter, "to see a mind that hath given so sufficient a proof of itself in having brought forth so many good thoughts for the general, to be overburdened and cumbered with a care of the particular, estate." (Birch, Mem. vol. i. p. 96.) About this time the application of Bacon to the Cecils alarmed Essex's jealousy, and he appears (April, 1593) to have mentioned the subject to him, and received for answer Bacon's assurance "I will not dispose of myself without your allowance,' (Birch, vol. i. p. 97.) With this assurance, the generous spirit of Essex seems to have been content, for, in a letter from Anthony to his mother, (July 1593,) he says, our most honourable and kind friend, the earl of Essex, was here yesterday three hours, and hath most friendly

66

And yet, in spite of his protestations to Essex, he assured Burghley not long afterwards,-" Your lordship is, upon just title, owner and proprietor of what, I cannot call, talent, but mite, that God hath given me." (Works, vol. xii. p. 162.)

and freely promised to set up, as they say, his whole rest + of favour and credit for my brother's preferment before Mr. Coke, whensoever the now attorneygeneral (Sir THOMAS EGERTON, whom see) shall be removed to the place of the rolls. His lordship told me likewise that he had already moved the queen for my brother, and that she took no exception to him, but said that she must first dispatch the French and Scots' ambassadors and her business abroad, before she thinketh of such home matters." (Birch MSS. No. 43; Mem. vol. i. p. 113.) Upon his renewal of his application, the queen changed her tone, and remarked with great asperity on Bacon's conduct in parliament, in reference to the subsidy, declaring that in that affair he had been more culpable than any one in the house, and taking great credit to herself for her goodness, in not forbidding him the court. Still, however, she did not absolutely refuse the earl; "her humour," said he, "is for delay." The lord-treasurer also applied to her in behalf of his nephew, but it was that he might succeed Coke, the solicitor-general, whom he recommended should be promoted attorney-general. This afforded to the queen a ready reply, when Essex renewed his suit; and he was accordingly met by the observation that it was strange he should ask for the higher place for one whose own uncle thought him deserving only of the lower. On Bacon's youth and want of experience she also greatly insisted. And at another time, in reply to Essex's warm commendations of his friend, "she did acknowledge that Bacon had a great wit, and an excellent gift of speech, and much other good learning. But in law she rather thought he could make show to the uttermost of his knowledge, than that he were deep." (Works, vol. xiii. p. 80.) The appointment of Coke to the vacant office (16th June, 1592) it might be thought would have terminated this controversy between the queen and her favourite Elizabeth nominating Bacon solicitor-general; but it was not so, and in spite of Essex's repeated entreaties, to none of which would she give a positive denial, Mr. Serjeant Fleming became

In a letter from lord Essex to lord-keeper his rest and employ his uttermost strength to get

Puckering, he mentions his "resolution to set up Mr. Bacon him placed before the end of the term."

(Bacon's Works, vol. xiii. p. 51.)

It is not a little surprising that Mr. Montagu, in his elaborate Life of Lord Bacon, should not have adverted to the fact, that the application of Essex was, in the first instance, for the attorneygeneralship. Coke, before whom Bacon was to be preferred, was then solicitor-general.

solicitor-general on the 6th June, 1596. This disappointment was felt severely by Bacon, who had looked forward with confidence to the issue of the contest; but if severely by him, still more so by Essex, who, in communicating to him the intelligence of his failure, said, "Mr. Bacon, the queen hath denied me the place for you, and hath placed another. I know you are the least part of your own matter; but you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependence. You have spent your time and thoughts in my matters. I die, if I do not something towards your fortune. You shall not deny to accept a piece of land, which I will bestow upon you." Bacon's reply is too remarkable to be omitted. He said that the earl's proposal reminded him of what was said of the duke of Guise that he was the greatest usurer in France, because he turned all his estate into obligations. "Now, my lord," he continued, "I would not have you imitate this course, nor turn your estate thus by greatest gifts into obligations, for you will find many bad debtors." The earl was not, however, to be deterred by this consideration, so candidly stated, and continued to press his offer, to which Bacon answered, "I see, my lord, I must be your homager, and hold land of your gift. But do you know the manner of doing homage in law? Always it is with a saving of his faith to the king and his other lords. And, therefore, my lord, I can be no more yours than I was, and it must be with the ancient savings." (Apology.)

Anticipations of the fate of his patron, at the moment of receiving his bounty, were crossing his mind. The cause that he

It has been supposed (Montagu, Life of

Bacon) that this gift was of Twickenham, otherwise Isleworth, Park. But this is an error, as we find

that this park was crown land, and in the year 1547

was demised to Edward Bacon, third son of the lord-keeper, and who married a daughter of Edward Lord Wotton, (Lodge, Illustrations, vol. iii. p. 387,

note); in 1581, to Edward Fitzgarret, who appears to have disposed of his interest in it to Bacon, whom

we find in 1592 going down there with some friends,

to avoid the plague which had broken out in London. In 1595 a lease was granted of it to Francis Bacon, Esq. and John Hibbard. Here had Bacon the honour of entertaining queen Elizabeth, and of presenting her with a sonnet in favour of his patron, the earl of Essex. Such, at least, is the

statement of Mr. Lysons, (Env. of Lond. vol. iii. p. 565,) on the authority of his patron, the earl of Oxford; but Bacon merely speaks of the queen's

visit as having been intended, and the sonnet as having been purposed to be presented. (Bacon, Apology.) He sold this place afterwards for 18001. which was less than its value; and in some "instructions to his servant, Thomas Bushell," expresses a wish that it might be repurchased, for "deserving places to study in." (MSS. Brit. Mus. Bibl. Reg. iii. D. 14.)

failed in obtaining a post for which he was well fitted, and to which he was highly recommended, deserves some consideration. Undoubtedly it arose, in some measure, from the queen's unwillingness to promote Essex's friends, arising from her jealousy of his ambitious views. He was fond of affecting "a military dependence;" he had cultivated a good understanding with the people-patronizing those in the commons' house who formed what might be called the country party; he had established agents for the transmission of foreign news, which he often received earlier than did her ministers. These things excited her fears, in which she was encouraged by Burghley, from interested or from patriotic motives, or, perhaps, from both While, then, she lavished upon Essex honours and dignities, she forbore from strengthening his party by advancing his adherents. The vehement manner in which Essex pressed Bacon's claims for preferment, operated also against his success. Though the earl showed great affection," observed lady Bacon to her son Anthony, in reference to this affair, "he marred all with violent courses.' "I find the queen," said Essex himself, after an interview, "very reserved, staying herself upon giving any kind of hope, yet not passionate against you till I grow passionate for you."

The Cecils were also suspected of having something impeded their kinsman's suit; doubtless the suspicion was not wholly unfounded. Bacon himself, in express terms, charged Robert Cecil with having been bribed to oppose him; declaring he had been so informed by "a wise friend," who was "not factious towards Cecil, and who, as he said, spoke "with asseverations." Bacon, however, afterwards admitted that he had been "too

credulous to idle hearsays in regard to his right honourable kinsman;" which admission, scarcely going to the extent of the charge-founded, as it was, if he spoke true, on any thing but "idle hearsays "-may possibly have been made to conciliate Cecil, when it was policy to do

So.

When, however, Bacon advanced this charge, he exculpated the lord-treasurer from any participation in the treachery of his son, although he still felt that whether Burghley was sincere in his endeavours to obtain for him the solicitor's

The opinion which Anthony Bacon entertained of Burghley's disposition towards his brother, may be seen by reference to Birch's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 483, vol. ii. p. 355.

,,

place, yet there was but little disposition in the old minister, generally, to assist him. "In time of the Cecils, the father and the son," he some years afterwards observed to Villiers, "able men were by design and of purpose suppressed." (Works, vol. xii. p. 61.) Essex imputed Bacon's failure also, in some degree, to "his mighty enemies," the Cecils. (Birch, vol. i. p. 150.) Lady Bacon herself believed her brother to have lent her son no very great assistance, as she assured Robert Cecil that "some think if my lord had been in earnest," the matter would have been easily settled. In a conversation which passed between Lord Essex and Robert Cecil, the latter inquired, "Whom his lordship desired to see attorney-general?" Essex replied, that he marvelled at the question, seeing it must be well known "that resolutely against all he stood for Francis Bacon.' "Good Lord," was Cecil's answer, "I wonder your lordship should go about to spend your strength in so unlikely or impossible a matter," and wished to know if there were any precedent of so raw a youth being appointed to the office. The earl replied, that he could not; but that he knew an instance of one inferior to Bacon in years and learning, and not superior in experience, who was suing for an office of far more importance, weight, and charge than the attorneyship. Cecil, then expecting the post of secretary of state, calmly replied that he knew his lordship referred to him, and admitting the truth of what he said, observed that his own education in his father's school, as well as his father's merits, rendered him in some degree worthy of what he sought; but hoped his lordship would again consider, ere he prosecuted Bacon's claim, recommending him at least to apply for nothing higher than the solicitorship, "which might be easier of digestion to her majesty." "Digest me no digestions," the earl returned with heat, "for the attorneyship for Francis is that I must have; and in that will I spend all my rower, might, authority, and amity;" adding, "for your own part, sir Robert, I think strange both of my lord-treasurer and you, that can have the mind to seek the preference of a stranger before so near a kinsman." In the Lansdowne collection there is a letter from Robert Cecil to Mr. (afterwards Sir Michael) Hickes, in which he says, rather enig matically, "Mr. Hickes, now or never. For Mr. Solicitor [Coke], doubt him not, and on the other side she doth and hath

resolved, and I hope to-morrow my lord shall have order for it. Mr. Attorney [Egerton] removeth, and Mr. Solicitor with him." In a postscript he adds, "Burn this ;" words which, together with the mysterious language of the letter, raises in the mind a belief that Coke's promotion to the attorney-generalship, in place of Bacon, was not only especially agreeable to Cecil, but that he used his influence to effect it. Mr. Courtenay (Life of the Earl of Salisbury) declares the letter to be altogether unintelligible to him. There is, however, no certain evidence against the Cecils. Still little doubt can be entertained that if they did not actively oppose Bacon, they denied him a support which would certainly have obtained his success.

Amongst those to whom Bacon's promotion was obnoxious, were the lordkeeper Puckering and Coke, to the latter of whom the promotion of one who had endeavoured to keep him from a place which he really deserved, could not be supposed to have been very grateful. Bacon could, however, number amongst his friends the amiable and learned Egerton, afterwards lord-keeper Ellesmere, who offered to him "his own observations for the exercise of the solicitorship." (Birch, vol. i. p. 165.) The judges also, if his own statement may be believed, "voiced him to the post he so earnestly sought. (P. 168.)

While thus refused the appointment he desired, Bacon was, however, distinguishing himself at the bar. The first cause he is said to have pleaded (25th Jan. 1593) was in "one of the heirs of lord Cheney against the purchasers of his land, said to be sir Thomas Perrot," who was married to a sister of lord Essex. For his conduct in this cause he obtained great applause, and received the congratulations of the lord-treasurer. This latter lord, it would seem, endeavoured to obtain for him some appointment in the court of wards, but without, as he said, success. Bacon, in thanking him for his exertions, expressed his regret that he had never employed him in any causes in which either he himself or any of his

It is probable that he succeeded in this cause, as we find some years afterwards that Sir Thomas Perrot having died, and his widow having married the earl of Northumberland, an attempt was made of his wife's property derived from Perrot. But (fostered by sir Edward Coke) to deprive the earl

see further on this subject, Birch, vol. ii. p. 291; Brydges, vol. ii. p. 342; Strype's Life of Aylmer; Sydney Papers, vol. ii. p. 35; Collins's Peerage by and the 27th vol. of the Archæologia, p. 306.

friends were interested. (Works, vol. xii. p. 162.) The queen, however, acted very differently; for in the years 1594 and 1595,* Bacon was so much employed by her in court, that he declared he had received "the employment," though not "the office" of solicitor. In the first of these years, he seems to have been employed by her in some affair which compelled him to go into the north; but his falling sick at Huntingdon prevented its completion. In that year also, (27th July,) he graduated master of arts at Cambridge, to which university, when he was finally refused the solicitorship, he was very anxious to retire, and devote himself to philosophical pursuits. He was anxious also to travel, but the queen would not hear of the proposal. His increasing reputation at the bar does not appear to have diminished his repug nancy to it as a profession; for while his suit for the solicitorship was pending, he declared that if he succeeded, he should give himself up wholly to the queen's business, and relinquish his private practice. After his disappointment in the affair of the solicitorship, he had two interviews with her, in which she comported herself towards him so graciously, that he was led to hope that he might be able to succeed sir Thomas Egerton in the Rolls. Egerton, however, continued master of the Rolls for some years after his elevation to the woolsack.

Bacon was about this time again engaged in a contest of rivalry with Coke. Anxious to fortify himself by an alliance, as was the policy of the times, Bacon sought the hand of lord Burghley's, sister, the wealthy widow of sir William Hatton; but although Essex interested himself in his behalf, his suit did not prosper; and Coke, a rival suitor, succeeded in obtaining another triumph over him at what cost, the reader is referred to the article COKE to learn.

In 1594, (Easter term,) Bacon delivered an argument before the twelve judges in the exchequer chamber, in the famous Chudleigh's case, which had been argued in the preceding term by Coke, in whose reports Bacon's argument is omitted-an omission he excuses with the observation that he did not hear it. (1 Rep. 121 a.) It is to be found in manuscript, (Lansd. MS. No. 1121,) and is incorporated in the Reading upon the Statute of Uses.

His name appears two or three times in the

books of the privy council, as having been directed with others to examine prisoners at the rack. (Jardine on Torture, p. 42, et seq.)

We now arrive at one of the most important periods of Bacon's life. For the character and history of Essex, reference must be made elsewhere. (See DEVEREUX, Robert.) We have simply to consider Bacon's conduct in regard of him. "The greatest trust between man and man is the giving of counsel," (Essays, xxi.); and if we credit the statement of Bacon, the counsel he rendered the earl was wise and prudent. "I ever set this down, that the only course to be held with the queen was by obsequiousness and observance;" but "my lord, on the other hand, had a settled opinion that the queen could be brought to nothing, but by a kind of necessity or authority." (Sir F. Bacon's Apology.) "To stand upon two feet, and not fly upon two wings," was the advice he was ever instilling into the unwilling ears of the favourite, whose love of distinction, whose anxiety for popularity, and fondness for military glory, were the subjects of frequent censure with his sagacious dependent. He strove to deter the earl from going to Ireland, alleging that his absence from the queen would diminish her favour for him; that it was certain he would not content her with his government; and that the very nature of the undertaking he was entering on would secure his ultimate ruin. For more than a year and a half before his going, Essex had felt so offended with what he had himself called Bacon's "natural freedom and plainness," (Letter from Essex to lord-keeper Puckering, 31st August, 1595,) that he had no intercourse with him. Then, however, he sent to advise with his friend, who counselled him to refuse the proffered appointment, but to no effect. The result was as he had foreseen; and on the first occasion when Elizabeth expressed to him her dissatisfaction with the earl, he frankly confessed that he wished she had kept Essex at home, "with a white staff in his hand as society to herself, and an honour in the eyes of the people and of foreign ambassadors."" A strange position, truly, for one whom he had believed "the fittest instrument to do good to the state," and to whom he had himself, in the preceding year, commended "the care of Irish affairs," as

one of the aptest particulars that hath come, or can come upon the stage, for his lordship to purchase honour upon."

There can be little doubt that Bacon was sincerely anxious to reconcile Essex to queen, whom he always endeavoured

the