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to have a tendency towards weakening their political dependency on the mother country.

The Condition annexed to the privileges of legislation granted to the colonies, namely that their laws should not be repugnant to thofe of GreatBritain, implies, as ftrongly as words and neceflary incidents can imply, an exclufive legislative right in all internal cafes that are confiflent with them. On the other hand, this condition, fubjecting all fuch of their laws as thould be inconfitent with thofe of Great Britain to be repealed, insures the subServiency of their legislative acts to the legal fyftem and polity of the motherkingdom; because none but thofe laws which are confiftent with them, may obtain. Moreover, a latitude of final determination with refpect to their repugnancy being wholly left to the Royal Prerogative, a more ftrict fubordination of this kind, bearing any face of Liberty, could fcarcely. have been devised. That these legiflatures might alfo equally a&t under the fovereign directive influence of the mother ftate, and pursue one general undivided welfare, the fame Head fundamentally exercifes the two capital functions in both regions; or, in other words, the King remains not only the fole executive Magiftrate, but forms one of the constituent legiflative branches equally in the colonies as in the mother-kingdom. Without the exercife of which regal functions by his delegate or reprefentative, the whole courfe of their public government, and of their civil and commercial tranfactions would be obstructed, and a general anarchy enfue; which muft neceffarily in the end prove fatal to themselves. And this being the actual cafe, it would hardly fol low that the colonies must be independent, fhould the British parliament have no power of laying internal taxes on them. But the fuppofition-that the colonies, in fupporting this their frame of government, want to throw off all dependence and fubjection, is certainly injurious as well as abfurd,. when both the one and the other are effential chief principles of that very conftitution they are reclaiming the continuance and enjoyment of!

The Miniftration of the colonies to

our trade, commerce, wealth, and ftability, was provided for-by their timeous exclufion from all foreign mar78: thereby obliging them to have

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neceffary fupplies of all kinds, as well as for a vent and fale of their proper produce; and by her local right of im pofing duties on their alternate importations here, and exportations from hence: a power one would think fuf. ficient to enable the mother-kingdom indirectly to raise contributions upon them, for any extraordinary occafions, without having recourfe to a dirett unneceffary infringement of their charters; which flands with the royal honour and national generofity to obferve and maintain-even to their mott liberal extent.

It was the erection of this new En glish Empire in the colonies, apparentTy founded on the tranflation of English liberty thither, governed by our common-law and their own local acts, and only controlled by a reasonable fubordination to the religion, polity, jurifdiction, and aggrandifement of the mother-kingdom, that afterwards drew over numbers of people as to a refuge from the ecclefiaftic and civil oppreffions they had undergone at home; and which they no doubt trufed could not, even by the power fo rigorously Dat that time exerted bere, be extended to them in America. Thefe oppreffions were of fo grievous and intollerant a nature, that if the plantations had not afforded them fuch an afylum, they muft have fought one in fome foreign part of the globe. Had this happened, the drain and damage to the mother country would have been real and dangerous: Whereas by their going to our colonies, it has been proved to a demonstration, that the trade, commerce, wealth, and potency of the mother-country, have been confiderably more advanced, than if they had remained in it. But fhould a door be now opened to the introduction of any grievances there, which their ancefters had fo happily and fe curely fled from here, and the free conftitutions, which the colonists have thus long enjoyed and flourished under, be as it were fubverted,—by rendering not only the domeftic laws of their polity and economy of no certain effect, but fubjecting all their internal forms of civil communication, and probably their perfons and local properties by and bye, to be taxed at liberty by our parliaments, of which they are neither members prefent nor reprefented, and to which they ais confequently in this refpect as frangers; this would neceffarily caft luch a damp upon their spirit of cultivation,

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The Importance of the N. American Colonies confidered. 585

fo depreciate the value of labour, and at the fame time fo enhance the price of provisions, that a ceffation of all rutal improvements must enfue; and their extraordinary attention be confined to the manufacturing the neceffary accommodations of life. So that, intead of proving ufeful and dutiful children to the mother-country, as they have hitherto been, a state of reciprocal alienation, if not of mutual hoftility, must take place between them. And how far fuch an event would affect the interest and confideration of the mother kingdom, I leave others to difplay.

Upon the whole, there appears only the choice of two alternatives, which can bring all thefe diforders to a happy iffue, and fubftantially reconcile us to our other felves. One is, to repeal the offenfive ftatute: the other, to put Ait under an indefinite fufpenfion; which would open as handfome a retreat as may be to the projectors of it, and might fatisfy the Colonifts. And furely, if ever a variety of momentous confiderations and fubordinate dependancies, concurred to make any measure neceffary and feasonable, there do at this time fubfitt an equal concurrence and as great an exigencyto give one or other of these fatisfactions to the colonies.

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But in the name of freedom may I alk, of what political fpecies would the government of the colonies be, fuppofing them made liable to he locally bound in all cafes by our ftatutes, to which they are not parties? It is an C undoubted univerfally acknowledged maxim in the theory of government, that wherever the legislative and executive powers are united, or, what is tantamount, wherever the governed have no share in either, there is no pub. lic liberty; and confequently fuch a government, with refpect to them, must neceffarily be an arbitrary one. Can fuch a bale fhoot fpring from fo noble a item? And is it poffible that the free conftitution of England should be any where generative of fervitude? I make not this queftion, as thinking that the execution of the act alluded to would immediately produce fuch a ftate in the colonies: It is fufficient to juftify their apprehenfions, that it might have a confequential tendency, and that nothing more would feem neceffary to establish it,-than repeated exertions of the fame power.

It contributes little to the removal of fuch an apprehenfion,-that the laft accumulated duties are expressed to be neceffary for the defence and protection of the colonies ; whilst it ap pears palpably ftrange and prepofterous that a country in peace, and delivered from all real danger by the extirpation of its avowed enemies, fhould now require a greater military force for its eftablishment, than lately, when it had the enemy on its back; and than formerly, when in the fame circumstances, it had no military force at all. Stranger ftill, that notwithftanding the occafion of this defence must be fuppofed at longeft to be only temporary, the fund, which is allotted for the fupport of it, thould nevertheless be made perpetual!

(Gent. Mag. DEC. 1765.)

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The Importance of the Colonies of North
America, and the Intereft of Great-
Britain with regard to them," con-
fidered: Together with remarks on the
Stamp Duty. 1s, Peat.

Walarms have been spread, that

ITHIN thele few years frequent

the state was in danger, nor always perhaps without foundation. We have had powerful enemies abroad, diftreffed allies to fupport, rebellion at home, faction and difcontent among the people, which has rifen to an enormous height, and has even extended i felf to our colonies in North-America, where the fpirit of riot has broke out at Bofion, and paffed to Rhode Island; and altho' the other colonies, much to their honour, have not proceeded to violence, yet we are well affured that great uneafinefs and difcontent prevails in all of them, on account of an act of parliament, impofing a ftamp duty, to which, they fay, if they fubmit, it will be an inF troduction to all the variety of taxes which are paid in England, befides the numerous taxes impofed on them by their own reprefentatives.

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To juftify themselves, they prefume to call the right of the Houle of Commons over them in question, This cannot fail of being the first thing confidered by that auguft Houfe in the mean time I wish to fee the miniftry act with fpirit, but should be forry their actions were mere deeds of power; for it thould always be remembered, that the colonies are our brethren, free born fubjects equally as we are, and intitled equally with us to every right and privilege of Britons. The firit right of a Briton is, that he cannot be tried but by his peers; the next, that he cannot be

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'The colomes are to many distant provinces of the Ergo empire, which and to its dignity and power, and will continue to to do, uniets we make enemies of our friendt, and thereby convert this beling of heaven intɔ̃

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The Importance of the N. American Colonies confidered 587

fince whatever we did for them was with a view to ferve ourselves; and, to fpeak the truth, our perfecuting the diffenters in the times of fames and Charles I. by High Commiffion and Spiritual Courts, compelled the anceftors of the people of New England to fly thither from ecclefiaftical tyranny. A

gard to North America is trade, the
more of that the colonifts are enabled
to carry on, the better it must be for
us in the employment of our people;
but if feverity is ufed to inforce an
unpopular act, and that defperation
Thould enfue, would it not be matter
of great joy to our enemies, & would
not they fecond a revolt with view to
Thare in a trade which we alone en-
joy, and which adds in no fmall degree
to the dignity & honour of Great Bri-
tain. It should always be remember-
ed, that Spain loft both Portugal and
Holland by her acts of severity, and in
thofe famous revolutions England and B
France had no inconfiderable fhare,
and every other power of Europe re-
joiced.

Such confiderations as thefe fhould
point out to Great Britain, that the
right rule of policy to be purfited, is,
to acquire and retain, by acts of le-C
nity and mildness, the affections of
our colonies, and not to alienate them
by feverity; for the time will ap-
proach, in which it will become ex-
remely dangerous to attempt ruling
fo valt a continent, already abound-
ing with millions, by the iron rod of
power, the fway of which will only
make them the fooner refractory;
and when the fire of refiitance is once
kindled, there is no forefeeing how
far it may fpread. We should re-
member that they are Englishmen, and
many of them inherit from their an-
ceftors Republican principles, which E
they carried thither during the civil
wars; being perfecuted here, they
fled to the forefts of America for the
fake of liberty; their fons are all of
them actuated by the fame principles
of liberty, which spirit perhaps is
more prevalent there than in this
kingdom.

The fame fpirit of perfecution prevailed against the Quakers in the lat ter end of the reign of Charles II. and, being made very uneafy thro' Popita bigotry, Mr Penn, the modern Lycur gus, folicited and obtained a grant of Penfylvania. Thither he took great numbers of Quakers at his own expence, which were followed by many others, in order there to enjoy their innocent and confcientious opinions.

Thus it appears that the four colonies of New England and Penfylvania were peopled by our perfecution, and without receiving auy other aid than that of protection only, and for which they have not been ungrateful.

They have now no European power to dread in their neighbourhood, and their own internal power is very confiderable, which a juft and gentle (way may for ages connect to this kingdom; for they will always confider us as their fafeft and best friend. But our greateft fecurity and power over them, must confift in their difunion. We thould therefore, by plans of mild government, attract them as colonies refpectively, and we fhould rather make them rivals for our favour, than united friends in oppofing us. We must not think that the North Americans, who have a watchful eye over our proceedings, and are greatly jealous of their liberty, will fuffer their properties and interefts to be mifapplied. America is every year growing more inF viting to induftrious manufacturers, and Great Britain perhaps more dif couraging; in which cafe her ftrength will increafe, whilft our's will decreafe; for we daily fee many of our manufacturers and ufeful people getting on that fide of the water, more particularly fince the paffing the ftamp act and fugar act of 1763, the effects of which are already, and will foon be much more feverely, felt in this kingdom.

For thefe reafons great care ought to be taken in our conduct towards the Americans. To attract willing bedience from them must always be more fafe than to exact it by compulfion; and it can never deferve re- G proach to correct human policy and error. The chief object of union be tween us and the colonies, is undoubtedly convenience and felf-intereft, although the affection of the North Americans to this nation from which they fprung, together with the H protection which they received in their infant ftate, may operate as a fecondary motive to fecure their duty and their loyalty. But in much

tes at this time, too
n that protection,

It is a mistaken policy to attempt making the North Americans llaves to our intereft or power, for they are too knowing to be made the former, and too high fpirited to become the latter; the only way to keep them dependant on this kingdom, muft pro

ceeTM

486 The Importance of the N. American Colonies confidered.

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taxed but by the parliament in which he is represented by gentlemen who pay a thare of the tax they impose upon him for the law, not trufting too much to virtue, witely proceeds on this fuppofition, that however inattentive a man may be to the concerns of others, he will probably pay fome regard to his own interest; and it is in this view that the law requires a man to be poffeffed of a certain estate, to intitle him to reprefent others. Are the colonies then in this manner reprefented? Do thofe who impose taxes on them pay also a share of thofe taxes? If this is not the cafe, what have the colonies done that they should be tripped of one of the moit valuable privileges of Britons? Have the parliament a right to take from the lowest of the fubjects the fmalleft privilege which he inherits, unless for-, feited by law? Between power and right I know there is a difference, & the parliament may, of power, do what they pleafe.

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Europe. Befides thefe bleflings of life, they have all the finews of power. The earth is known to contain innomerable iron mines, endless forests of oak and other timber, pitch, tär, hemp, fax; vast banks, rivers, bays, harbours, abounding with the greatelt fisheries on the globe; fo that not a doubt can be entertained that this vaft country will, in time, become the greatest empire that the world has ever seen.

Their difcontent from the ftampduty has fet them upon eftimating for themselves, and of their utility to us; and we ought to be aware how very ftrongly this eftimation will on all occafions operate on their minds. The North Americans say, they have been toiling for the mother-country; that the fruits of all their labour centers here; that if they are not considered Cas children, their treatment is that of flaves, and therefore, if oppreffed they muft unite. The cry for union has already produced a congrefs, which is fit propofed for reprefentation onlys but should they not fucceed, we should be aware of what they may next confuit.

It is faid, and I believe truly, that, in 1763, when the fugar act palled, the ftamp duty was then under confideration; but the evil confequence being reprefented, the then ministry D refolved to take the fenfe of the colonies on it; but I am informed that no member last fellions would prefent the colonist's petition; because, it feems, it was against the forms of the House.

སྐལ་ཆུ་ This rejection has caused a refolution of the colonies to fend deputies from all their affemblies, to meet at New York; from whence, it is proba ble, they will again attempt to petition parliament. If their demands are reasonable, justice requires that they fhould be heard; and I am well; convinced that they will demand nothing that is unreafonable, or inconfiftent with the laws.

The utmost wisdom of parliament will be wanted on this most important Occafion; and no member it is hoped, will advise an improper exertion of power,

The colonies are fo many distant provinces of the British empire, which add to its dignity and power, and will continue lo to do, unless we make enemies of our friends, and thereby convert this bleffing of heaven into a curfe.

The British empire in North America

extends more than 2000 miles, in which is every kind of foil and climate, and therefore yields, in great plenty, near all the productions of

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Restraints on their trade is very im. politic; for a ballance in their fa vour is an advantage to us; and fureFly, of all inftruments for ruining trade, military and marine are the most deteftable; their arbitrary principles are incompatible with commerce; nor ought vice admiralty courts to be intrusted with power over

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commerce.

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As to itamp and other taxes, if
they want money even to pay for our
manufactures, nothing can be gained
by attempting to tax them; for what
is gained by taxes is loft to our mer.
chants in trade; the draining there.
fore their whole money from them by

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trade, and then demanding more by taxes, is abfolutely reducing them Egyptian flavery, of making bricks without ftraw.

In short, the great object with re gard

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