though Jeffreys and Fenwick shot well for 15 and 14. The New House followed with better success and got through without a miss, Baily heading them with a fine score of 16, which raised their total to 78, 13 a head of their antagonists. On retiring to 500 yards the Old House gained 3 points in the first round, but in the next lost 7, and at the end were 13 behind as at first, each side having added 61 to their total. Baily was by far the highest contributor to the New House score, making 29 while Jeffreys with 27, and Yeatman. with 25 tried in vain to avert disgrace from the losing side. We must congratulate the winners on their victory, well won by diligent training, for they were obliged to have recourse to two recruits to fill up their six. The Old lost the services of the Captain of the corps through his illness. The following were the marks as scored : Old House R. T. Richardson 3 2 2 3 2-12 65 Priv. Dalton Priv. Almack Priv. Fenwick Corp. Jeffreys 30023-8 30243-12 15 3 3 0 3 3-12 0 4 20 3- 9 20023-7 ཐབ།སྐྲ 126 61 24 3 2 2 3 2-12 21 2 2 3 22-11 18 3 3 2 2 3-13 4 2 2 2 4-14 4 3 3 3 3-16 A prize also given by Mr. Fenwick for the most central bull's-eye at 500 was won by Vernon with his second shot. The individual competition among the winning side was fixed for the next day, and came off in spite of the bad weather which prevailed during the day. In the first five shots T. Edgeworth led with 12, Edwards coming next with 9, but in the next three L. Edgeworth came to the front, being 18 to his brother's 15, while Coates had come up steadily to 13. In the next round both Edgworths failed to score, and a centre placed Coates second with 16. T. Edgeworth opened the last round with a bull's eye, placing himself first by one: but Coates, nothing daunted, did likewise, and as L. Edgeworth again missed, was left winner with 20. The gusty wind, which changed in direction after the sighting shots were finished, and the mist which rendered it difficult to distinguish accurately the position of the UNTHINKING POLITICAL PARTISANS. EDMUND SMITH. Phaedra and Hippolitus. Ir may be as well to observe by way of preface, that the plan of these remarks was conceived before the ebullition of political feeling in the school at the time of the North Wilts Election. At the same time, what then occurred has only served to strengthen the opinions the writer had already formed, the opinions to which he proposes to give expression in the Marlburian. There is one fact which cannot fail to attract the attention of everyone who has his wits about him, at the time of a great political contest, such as that which has recently been raging throughout the kingdom. It is the number of blind partisans which either side includes among its supporters. It is everywhere possible to see men who, without any real convictions, have been led by some extraneous cause to attach themselves to one or other of the great political parties, of which they thenceforward become members, without having any just arguments to advance in defence of their position, without being able to refute the allegations of their opponents, without understanding the motives which actuate their own party. The accident of birth or connection, or even some slighter tie has enrolled them among PRICE 6d. the Blues or the Yellows, and they stick to their colours, without knowing what those colours symbolise, or what is the real meaning of the party cries which they catch up from those among whom they move, who probably know what they are doing, and the reasons which justify their course of action. They are too careless or too ignorant to investigate the principles which are at stake, they will not declare their ignorance, and so they attach themselves to a party, without any real ground for so doing. It may safely be affirmed that there are such persons everywhere, and much might be said of them; but ne sutor supra crepidam, a writer in the Marlburian conceives it to be his province to see what special form this general principle assumes at Marlborough of course meaning in the School, the town being as much beyond our limits, and in the outside world, as any other borough in the kingdom. Before proceeding further it must be distinctly understood that the object of these observations is not to promote the views and interests of any party; they are aimed at blind partisans of any colour, of any shade of opinion, and the design with which they have been put together will be almost entirely frustrated by any attempt to put a construction on them in favour of either of the great political parties. One postulate at least may be assumed, that there are such blind partisans in the School. This is a fact well known to any one who has been here any time, who has had experience in different parts of the School; it is equally discernible under the light afforded by recent events. It may be laid down as something from which to start that blind political partisanship is a fact, which assumes its widest developement in the lower strata of the School. It is now proposed to examine this fact, to ascertain its causes, to point out the evils it entails, and enquire whether it admits of remedy. It is particularly desirable that a partisan construction should not be put upon these remarks, but in order to enter on an inquiry into the causes of blind and unthinking partisanship, it is absolutely necessary to make mention by name of the two English political parties. It may be with justice asserted that blind partisans may be found on either side: there may be, nay there certainly are, unthinking Liberals as well as unthinking Conservatives; they are not so numerous on the Liberal side as on the other; but the only reason of this is that-from natural causes, as will presently be shown-in the School the Conservatives have an enormously preponderating majority over their opponents. What is now being said is addressed to unthinking politicians of every colour, but it is necessary to examine separately the reasons which win over a blind partisan to one party or the other. What then are the causes which obtain blind partisans in such crowds for Conservatism? The answer might be couched in the words of Strepsiades to his son παιδάριον εἶ καὶ φρονεῖς ἀρχαϊκά. Doubtless there are other causes which play no small part in giving the mind of a boy a Conservative bias, but it may well be questioned whether these are not after all subordinate agents, whether early associations and the like do not only act as stimulants to a natural reverence in the boyish mind for things as they are, for the old institutions of the country, with which they conceive her honour and her greatness of these they hear much-to be intimately connected. Can the most rampant Radical among the educated classes-to which we are held to belong -assert that he has been that which he is, without repugnance from his cradle? Were even the force of example and association able at first to overcome a natural aversion to principles which involved a want of respect for things as they are, a denial to our institutions of any claims based on the fact of antiquity, So not on utility? This innate dislike of innovation can only be got rid of by thought, and thought is a process which, to not a few, is very distasteful. while allowing no mean influence to the effect of association, parental example, and other causes, it seems that the main reason that induces so many of us unthinkingly to declare for the Conservative cause, when any occasion demands an exhibition of political feeling, is founded on a natural dislike to what we understand to be the principles of the opposite party. That such sentiments should exist is no doubt a healthy sign in a school, for they are natural and noble sentiments: but at the same time it seems only just that those who are influenced by such feelings should, before rushing into the toil and moil of political dispute, before throwing themselves into the arms of a party, take some trouble to ascertain whether they have any real ground for joining one party or abhorring another. The evil is that fellows who have not considered the questions which are being agitated, who neither understand the general principles of either party, nor the particular views of its leaders, should suddenly burst into tumultous adoration of the principles and leaders of one party, whilst professing the deepest abhorence for those of the other. In a School it is only a very small minority who embrace Liberal principles. The leaders of this minority are generally Liberals by conviction, the rest are hereditary Liberals, or Liberals for bravado. With the first class these remarks have nothing to do, of the last there is much to be said, for of all types of unthinking politicians the Liberal for bravado is the most contemptible. The term perhaps requires some explanation. By Liberals for bravado are meant those who. neither knowing nor caring anything about politics go in for a kind of Liberalism, because they deem it "the thing to do": they like to become conspicuous by outraging the natural sentiments of those about them. Unthinking Conservatism springs mainly from a natural and noble reverence for the institutions of the country, which is innate-perhaps in the human, certainly in the English character. Unthinking Liberalism springs from a brutal sense of notoriety, however obtained. As Herostratos burnt the temple of Artemis that his name might live for ever, so these wretches avow a desire to upset everything that now exists-for they are unable to see any distinction between Liberalism and Destructivism-simply to be pointed out as 'so-and-so who wishes to abolish everything.' But enough of these contemptible persons, who have taken up more space than they deserve. Of the other class of unthinking Liberals, who follow the paternal or avuncular opinions, not so much need be said. There is nothing disgusting about them; but they had much better try to form their own opinions, or else hold their tongues. The sum of what has been said of unthinking Liberals is :-if they will not think for themselves, they had much better follow the natural promptings of their hearts, and be Conservatives, than from some low motives adopt Liberal principles, which cannot with them be principles unless they exercise some thought on the subject, and become Liberals by conviction. To those who are Conservatives by conviction, to those who are Liberals by conviction, nothing has been now said, and nothing need be said; to other Liberals and other Conservatives this article is intended to say: do one of two things, either take the trouble to consider why you are Liberals or why you are Conservatives, so as not to disgrace your party by a total inability to assign any reason for your adopted creed: or if you are too lazy and apathetic to think, at least abstain from abusing those who have thought for themselves, and know why they entertain those views for which you ignorantly presume to abuse them, and scoff at them. Want of thought implies want of real knowledge: to explain -an unthinking politician may use the same cries as some one who has thought out his views ; in all probability he does so. But in what spirit? While the thinking partisan really has persuaded himself-perhaps that the leaders of one or other party are nothing less than the enemies of their country, or perhaps entertains some less violent opinion, his unthinking fellow will jump at some view, equally an extreme-under the influences which it has been already endeavoured to deseribe,and wholly ignorant of the claims of either party, without knowing or, in point of fact, caring to know what is the real bearing of the point at issue on the welfare of the country; thus while he who thinks holds opinions founded on knowledge, he who does not think catches hold of the words of those who or have thought, finds them suitable, adopts them. To take an instance from one side, our unthinking politicians lay hold of a vague idea that Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Bright is ruining the country, introducing Popery, or something of the sort: without stopping to inquire how they are ruining the country, or why they should be considered to be so doing, without forming any judgment of their own, fall into rapturous applause of everything said against, into foul abuse of everything brought forward in favour of those statesmen. All this would be very well if they only knew or understood why they applaud or hiss, but they know not, and care not. And is not this a great evil? is it not an evil, which cries out for reformation? Surely it is the duty of every Englishman to know something of the Government of his country. This is a part of his education which no one ought wholly to neglect. Surely the present history and future destinies of the millions who inhabit these islands is no trivial or uninteresting topic: surely some time might be spared from the perusal of less profitable portions of a newspaper, in order to gather some slight knowledge of matters which will influence future ages a thousand times more than fifty thousand horse-races or murders, or the like. Read these latter if must, but do at least accord some time to learning the present history of your country. you He who cannot, if he tries, feel some interest in his country, and in the actions of the great men who guide its destinies must indeed be far gone in misery. At least try to understand what is going on; it is not so very hard, and now there is a grand opportunity for beginning. We are now entering, we are told, on a new era; let our young politicians begin with this new era; they will start fair. If there is, as they say there is, a growth of political feeling in this school, let us hope that it will continue to increase: if there is not, let us hope that it will soon come into existence. But red-hot politicians are not wanted, we do not want a continual riot here; but we do wish that any one among us may know something of, and feel some interest in what is going on in the political world. One thing more :-many will say, we have no means of improving ourselves in this point; we never see a paper from half's end to half's end: you will it is to be hoped see them in the coming winter holy days: get some knowledge and interest then: and if you create a demand for newspapers to keep you up to what is going on, be sure that the supply will follow. It is no good to supply newspapers to a community which will only read murders and the like. S. L. N. SIXTH-FORM-MATCH-WIS, BY A TRIUMPHANT SCHOOL-MAN. With apologies to Mr. Longfellow, Hiawatha, and the Exulting Prefect. Wherefore, oh exulting prefect, Thou shalt tremble at the war cry, Sternly asking "What's your name, boy ?" As thy palpitating brethren, When they stand with heaving midriff, White your jerseys are, ye Sixth-form, See the School come quickly trooping, Trooping to the fiery contest, Care they for their depth of wisdom? And their Corpus Poetarums? Care they for their long experience And their patriarchal practice? Foremost mid the marching masses In the centre of the tumult, See him there in all his glory. Here with dark eyes fiercely flashing, Comes the Welshman, Cambria's champion, From the land of dashing rivers, From the land of snow-capped mountains, From the land of Bards and Triads, Hear his clearly-ringing tenor, Who is this with star appearing, Shall confound the haughty foemen, In the House that sleeps above thee, Of his many ancient brothers, |