Manifestations are not wanting of the discontent. An ultra-Protestant Society has been formed, and the Orange body true to its oaths will permit no further advance. lt

is possible that, on the death of the master-hand, there will be a separation in the Conservative ranks; the Orangemen keeping to themselves and forming the Tory party, and the moderate section drifting off and joining a National party, if such a thing be in existence; or if not, then forming a National party themselves. No one can help coming to the conclusion that we have received from the Conservative party all we could expect from it, and more. Like its chief, it is drawing to the close of its existence, having performed its mission and accomplished its purpose. We cannot expect more from men than what their surroundings give them. It would be hopeless to expect Canadian independence from men nursed with the loyalty which fought against all the reforms of the last thirty years.

In approaching the review of the Reform Party, there are none of the difficulties in accounting for its action which are to be found in the record of the Conservatives. It has been under the control of a man, during the last twenty years, who was entirely out of the current of Canadian opinion and Canadian life. Its success in 1874 was not on account of its merits, but on account of the faults of its opponents. The Pacific Scandal put it into office, and being unable to estimate the drift of Canadian public opinion, and utterly regardless of that opinion in the few instances in which it could, was the cause of its losing power. Like Louis XIV., George Brown might have said, I am the Reform Party,' from the break-up of the Hincks Government till he died. Deriving the confidence of a dictator from the successful manner in which he forced Confederation on Ontario, with only one Local House, without

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consulting the people or holding one meeting, he thought he could act in the same manner in regard to the tariff. The result showed what a change Confederation had effected in the minds of the people. It is an evil thing for a party for its leader to be a foreigner, and its chief organ owned in a foreign country. The first evil has been removed by an accident, the latter still remains. A native leader has only to consult his own feelings, in regard to many questions, in order to understand those of a great number of his fellow citizens. The Reform Party have now such a leader, but he is timid. It may be possible that this timidity arises from his want of confidence in his followers sharing his opinions. Hitherto, Mr. Blake has not shewn that strength of character so necessary in a leader. is possible that it might be the knowledge that the moment he ordered his party to advance a superior power might order it to retire, and that it would obey the latter. Even yet he cannot be said to be free from outside influence. Mr. Gordon Brown, a Tory, controls the Globe, and he it is who is said to be responsible for all its worst faults in the past. No one admires him, and he has few friends. Narrow, vindictive and intolerant, the thought that such a man was waiting and watching, with club uplifted, would unnerve the arm of any leader. There is not much hope for the free action of any Reform leader so long as Gordon Brown controls the Globe. The influence of this paper is declining visibly, but still its power for harm is immense. It may keep the Reform Party out of power for the next twenty years, as it has done heretofore. Signs are not wanting, however, that it will soon come under different management than the present. It is to be hoped that Mr. Blake now feels strong enough to disregard its influence, and to persevere in the path lately marked out at Montreal. Any opposition to him now must recoil on the Globe it

self, in loss of influence and subscribers. The leader may be all that is desired, but even then the material of which his party is composed may not be what is required.

The Reform Party is made up of two classes-fossilized Tories and men of American proclivities. The first class is represented by Mr. Mowat and Mr. Gordon Brown, the latter by Mr. Mills. The days of the former have passed away never to return, but the latter are to be feared. For a short time yet, the first may vex the Liberal Party, but the death of George Brown practically ended Liberal Toryism. The Globe must eventually come into line with the party leaders. It now advocates the abolition of the Senate, and it is only the first step that costs. By-and-bye, it will advocate the entire ticket; consequently, there is nothing to dread in this old remnant of Toryism, which, under the name of Reform, has been the bane of the Liberal Party for many years. The class among the Liberal Party that will be the most dangerous to its usefulness consist of the men who secretly favour annexation, but have not the moral courage openly to advocate that measure. There is no reason why any man should be muzzled. This is a free country. We are British subjects or we are not. If we are, we ought to be entitled to the same rights as British subjects in England. Every British subject has the right to abuse the Government to his heart's content, and to advocate any change the country requires. A large number use this right unsparingly. Sir Charles Dilke, before he took office, advocated Republicanism; Mr. Chamberlain, also, makes no secret of his preference for that form of government. Then why should Canadians abstain from discussing the benefits they think Canada would derive from union with the United States? There is no reason; but very strong ones might be advanced for the fullest discussion. Colonialism has taken the manhood out

of the people, and made men cautious. Here is a man who, educated in Ann Arbor, has come back to Canada full of admiration for American institutions, and thinks Annexation is the best future for the country, but has only the courage to talk about Commercial Union. It is true Mr. Mills' manner is not taking. Speeches of four hours' duration on the stump would disgust most people with the subject. But no matter how beneficial Annexation might be, these men are taking the wrong way to get it. It is useless to tell a man bound hand and foot to get up and walk. The first thing to be done is to give him freedom; there is then a chance of inducing him to walk in any direction. Texas was free forten years before annexation took place. The present writer has elsewhere discussed the merits of the Annexation question, and wishes here only to point out how absurd it is to advocate such a measure so long as Canada is a colony. First give us freedom, and then we can do as we like. For years. however, there has been a number of men in the Liberal Party secretly inclined to this measure, who will not listen to anything else, and they are very much like the man who tied his horse's legs and then beat it for not travelling. These men are but losing their time. They are doing no good to Canada. They are out of court till independence be obtained, and are at present delaying the success of the national cause. In Quebec, the Libe ral Party are more the National Party. They were the National Party, and Protection was the chief plank in their political platform, before they joined the Grits. This protection is acquiesced in by the majority of the Liberal Party in Ontario to-day. It has done more for the commercial independence of Canada than any measure since Responsible Government; it has raised the revenue so as to enable us to meet the demands of the country, and its tendency is to give us self-reliance and a national spirit.

Then why should not the Liberal Party leave it alone, and why, also, should not the men of American proclivities leave it alone, as it surely helps towards their aim if they only take the right way to attain it.

To a large number it has always been a mystery how Mr. Blake could oppose the National Policy. He was

the means of making it possible. One of the chief feathers in his cap is the change in the Imperial instructions to the Governor General. Without such change, a National Policy could not have been had. Mr. Blake is more responsible for the National Policy than any one. He is really the father of that, and of the Canadian Supreme Court, for it was only by his exertions that either of them became possible. Again, why should the Syndicate question still be dragged before the public? It has been approved by the people, by the largest majority of their representatives that ever was known. Events move fast in these times. As the Syndicate question swallowed up the National Policy, and obliterated it for the time from the minds of the people, so will some other question in a short time blot out the Syndicate. At the next election one might as well oppose the Intercolonial Railway as the Canadian Pacific. The one is just as necessary as the other, and whether Canada is fated to be a part of the American Union or not, the building of this railway by opening up lands for settlement would be a benefit to humanity.

In the course of action of the Liberal Party during the five years it held office there is nothing to boast of, with the exception of the two things specially attributable to Mr. Blake-the Supreme Court Act and the change in the Instructions. Indeed, it would not be difficult to find things which any one not prejudiced and blinded by party zeal must condemn. Letellier's infamous attack on the Constitution was not on y condoned but supported by the Liberal Party. Fortunately for

his reputation, Mr. Blake abstained from voting when the question came up in the House of Commons. It is said there are precedents for Letellier's action. No doubt there are. One need not go very far back to find precedents for dispensing not only with the advice of individual Ministers, but with the Cabinet altogether. If it were to get rid of this blot alone, the Reform party ought to change its name. It stooped to the lowest depths of political vileness at the bidding of a tyrant and a demagogue. But the past is gone for ever The history of a colony cannot be anything but contemptible. Who looks at the colonial history of the United States? No one. Would that the present generation of Canadians could have the faintest idea how they and their doings will be despised by our countrymen in a generation or two hence.

Now what is the prospect for the success of the Liberal party at the next elections? It is at present very doubtful. The people will not tolerate disturbing either the National Policy or the Syndicate contract. These things must be left alone. The people may sometime believe in a change, but surely no one can expect the Cana dians who were working for years for commercial freedom for their country, such as the Parti National of Quebec, and thousands of their compatriots in Ontario before the Conservatives adopted it will ever care to form a party that wishes to abolish the National Policy. There are other things more necessary. The National Policy and the Syndicate do not make Canadians feel uncomfortable.' They do not make us feel the clank of the fetters on our ankles every step we take. We are now nothing but Colonists, a political grade just above that of the coolie. Let us get rid of this loathsome, this offensive name. It is said that we do not feel our chains; so much the worse. Neither did the negroes of the Southern States before the proclama

tion of freedom. To remove this stigma of Colonist, the first thing necessary is the Prince Edward Island suffrage. It is to be hoped we shall not have to wait until they get it in England: copying English Acts of Parliament is the fit occupation of colonists. Let us now attempt something for ourselves. The ballot was lost to us for years, although in use next door, because England did not adopt it. The property qualification is the last remnant of the feudal system left remaining in Ontario, and was the fit companion of the rotten boroughs in England. When these boroughs were in existence, it was not unusual to see six electors, and in one case one elector, returning members of Parliament. The boroughs being abolished, so should the system of voting which supported them. That there are a larger number of voters now has nothing to do with it, the principle is the same. Every taxpayer should vote, and every consumer is a taxpayer. If men are wanted to fight for and protect the country, they are not asked if they own property. Moreover, farmers' sons have the franchise. Why should not mechanics' sons, merchants' sons, and the sons of professional men, have it ; prima facie, they are more intelligent; as living in towns they have more educational facilities. Apart from the merits of the question, we are bound to give the franchise to our young men. They can get it in the neighbouring States, and unless they obtain it at home, they will go where it is to be had.

In this question, and indeed in all others, we have more to expect from

Mr. Blake and the Liberal party, now that George Brown is gone, than from the Conservatives. It is true Mr. Blake talks of Imperial Federation, but it cannot be possible that he can continue to advocate that impracticable step. Independence is practicable, as we have only to consult ourselves. Annexation is possible, as we have only to consult ourselves, the Americans and England; but in Imperial Federation, we have not only to convert England, but half-a-dozen other countries, in one of which, South Africa, local Confederation has been a complete failure, and in the others, local Confederation has not been begun. The probability of England's conversion to Imperial Federation can be judged from the fact that Mr. McIvor's motion for reciprocal tariffs only received six votes in an ultra-Tory House of Commons, presided over by the great Imperialist, Disraeli.

No, it is impossible that Mr. Blake can continue to advocate this measure. He sounded the true note at Montreal. Canadians were not the subjects of the Queen, but the subjects of subjects' in a word, Colonists. This position, he said, made him feel uncomfortable. Revivalists tell us that the first step towards conversion, is to be able to realize one's condition. Mr. Blake is in a fair way now. feels the ball and chain on his leg like thousands of other Canadians, and if he only will make one grand effort to remove it, he will surely be assisted by the strenuous exertions of every true and genuine Canadian.

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