only spent 30,000 livres Tournois, and that in assignats, in printing; whereas it had cost our ministers one hundred millions sterling to circulate and support their harangues against the French A more extraordinary means of publishing their invectives could not have been thought of. One would have thought, that having their civil list, their patronage, their places, their pensions, and their newspapers, by which to spread and give currency to their abuse against the French, it was strange that they should hit upon a war as the only means to recommend their invectives to the taste of the country. If he could not entirely agree with the honourable gentleman as to the war being begun only in aid of the intemperate language and violent epithets which were thrown out upon the French, yet nothing was so certain, as that the inflamed passions which gave rise to that language, gave rise also to the war; and that the good sense and manly feelings which would have avoided the one, would also have directed us to the rational course which would have prevented the other. The honourable gentleman spoke of the rights of man, among the reprobated French principles. That all men had equal rights, he would not stop to argue; it was a truth which the honourable gentleman himself must feel. It was not the fallacy of the principles that had made the French Revolution disgusting, but its atrocities; it was the misapplication and misuse that had produced so much turpitude and ruin. Of those principles he was ready to defend the greater part; the abuse of principles had, indeed, caused the mischief in France; but the prin ciples themselves remained still pure and unalterable. Mr. Fox concluded with saying, that for these reasons he could not consent to vote for the address which had been moved; he held in his hand an amendment, expressing in short terms the facts he had enumerated, and drawing from them the practical use that ought to be made of them. He then read the amendment, as follows:

"We beg leave humbly to entreat your majesty to review the events of the three last years, and to compare the situation and circumstances of the belligerent powers at the period when hostilities. commenced, and at the present moment; to consider that a great majority of the numerous allies, on whose co-operation your majesty chiefly relied for success, have abandoned the common cause, and sought for security in peace, while others have been unfortu nately thrown into alliance with the enemy: that our foreign possessions in the West Indies have, in many instau.ces, been overrun, pillaged, and destroyed, and the security of all of them put in imminent hazard: that the expeditions to the coast of France have proved either disgraceful or abortive; tending, without any rational prospect of public benefit, to tarnish the British name, by a shameful sacrifice of those to whom your majesty's ministers had

held out the hope of public protection: that amidst all these adverse and disgraceful events, there has been an expenditure of blood and treasure unparalleled in the history of former wars. Such being the result of the measures which have been pursued, we cannot honestly discharge our duty to your majesty, the country, and ourselves, without fervently imploring your majesty to reflect upon the evident impracticability of attaining, in the present contest, what have hitherto been considered as the objects of it.

"We therefore humbly entreat your majesty no longer to act upon the opinion, that the governing powers of France are incapable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity. An opinion formerly proved to be unfounded by the situation of the States of America, and of those nations of Europe who have throughout maintained a safe and dignified neutrality; and recently by the conduct and present condition of Prussia and Spain, and the princes of the empire. But that your majesty will be graciously pleased to take decided and immediate measures for bringing about a peace with France, whatever may be the present or future form of her internal government, and look for indemnity where alone indemnity is to be found; in the restoration of industry, plenty, and tranquillity at home,

"While we thus earnestly implore your majesty to consider, in your royal wisdom, how fruitless the pursuit of the war is become, and how idle and imaginary the supposed obstacle to peace, we declare, that if the existing powers in France were to reject a pacific negociation proposed by your majesty upon suitable terms, and to persevere in hostilities for their own aggrandisement, or with a view to the establishment of their system of government in other countries, we would strenuously support a vigorous prosecution of the war, confident that the spirit of the nation, when roused in such a cause, will still be able to accomplish what is just and necessary, however exhausted and weakened by the illconcerted projects of those who have directed your majesty's councils."

After Mr. Pitt had replied to Mr. Fox, the House divided on Mr. Fox's amendment:

Mr. Fox took an opportunity of justifying his former expressions respecting the French revolution, and which, in the course of the debate, had been imputed to him as applicable to a reform in the constitution of this country. He said, that he had asserted, at the time of the French revolution, that the subversion of the monarchy in the Bourbon family of France, was an event favourable to the liberty of Europe, and that the fall of that family would be looked on by posterity with admiration, because with it fell the reign of despotism.

But at no one time had he given an unqualified opinion of the governments which succeeded that event; much less would he stand pledged to give the least countenance to the scenes of blood and cruelty which had been the almost inseparable attendants on the varied and successive governments that followed one another. He formed his opinion of government by the test of practice, and not by theory and on paper. He disclaimed experiments and innovations, and he did not know on what principle innovation could be imputed to him. He had, it was true, supported the projects of a right honourable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) as to a reform in parliament, because he believed those projects to be good; and if the insinuations went to this point, he readily acknowledged them to be just.. On no other account could such insinuations be justified; and if they went to any other object of his opinions or practice, he did not comprehend them. He loved the constitution of this country, because in practice he found it to be good, and this, with him, was the only criterion of a good government.

HIGH PRICE OF CORN.

November 3.

R. PITT having this day moved, "That a select committee

M be appointed to take into consideration the present high

price of corn,'

Mr. Fox said, that he did not mean to make any objection to the mode of proceeding that had been proposed by the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer. He thought it the most proper that could be adopted, under all the circumstances of the case. He rose only to make some general observations on the points that had been stated by the right honourable gentleman; and first, as to the proposition re<specting the assize of bread. The means of information which the right honourable gentleman had, and the authority from which he spoke on that subject, were such as no doubt proved that some, regulation was proper; but he himself did not conceive that such regulation would be attended with great effect; nor did he wish the idea to be entertained that much benefit could be derived from its operation. He did not understand that the price of bread, considered in comparison with the price of grain, was higher than it ought to be. On the contrary, he had always understood that the

bakers were very far from gaining by the present prices. He wished, therefore, the impression to be held out, that whatever might be the consequences of this proposed regulation, it ought not to be looked to as likely to produce any very great or immediate benefit to the country.

When the right honourable gentleman talked of diminishing the consumption of wheat, by introducing other ingredients into the composition of bread, he ought to have in view, that whatever bread was made for the use of the poor, ought to be not only wholesome and palatable, but above all, nutritive. Let me remind gentlemen, said Mr. Fox, that when they are talking of bread for the people, they ought not to judge from any experiment made with respect to themselves. I have myself tasted bread of different sorts, I have found it highly pleasant, and I have no doubt, it is exceedingly wholesome. But, it ought to be recollected how very small a part the article of bread forms of the provisions consumed by the more opulent class of the community. To the poor it constitutes the chief, if not the sole article of subsistence. If, therefore, the bread for their use be made of ingredients less nutritive, it is a matter of question how far this mixture may tend to diminish the real consumption, since a greater quantity will be necessary for their support.

But there is another point, as to the nature of the scarcity, which deserves attention. There are two sorts of scarcity, the one arising from a defective produce, and the other from an increased consumption; and it is extremely interesting to ascertain which of these has the most influence in producing the present scarcity. If this scarcity, and the consequent high price, were confined merely to the article of bread, it would then appear, with sufficient certainty, that it originated with the cause which had so much been insisted on, namely, the defective produce of the two last harvests. But, is bread the only article eminently dear? Has not the same advance of price taken place with respect to meat; and likewise with respect to the produce of dairy farms, on which the season cannot be supposed to have had any unfavourable influence? The price of butter is very nearly, on the average, as high as that of wheat: instead of nine-pence or ten-pence, as formerly, it is now sold at thirteen-pence per pound. But what affords the most striking proof, that the high price does not arise merely from the deficiency of the harvest, is, that with respect to barley, the produce of which is admitted, this season, to have been plentiful beyond example, a similar advance of price has taken place.

It is not, therefore, to one cause that we are to look as the sole source of the present evil. It proceeds from a variety

of causes, complicated in their nature, and extensive in their operations. I do not, continued Mr. Fox, ascribe this scarcity solely to the war, pernicious as it has been in its effects. I admit, even, that part of the causes to which it may be traced, may be connected with a certain state of prosperity of the country. The war certainly has had a most decided effect, so far as it has tended to increase the consumption, to diminish the production, and to preclude the possibility of obtaining supplies, which might have been drawn from other quarters. But if there are other circumstances which have operated along with those arising from the war, if the evil has proceeded from many and complicated causes, nothing can be more mischievous than to ascribe it solely to one cause, and to proceed as if that were the fact. It is against this error that I most particularly wish to warn the committee in the course of their inquiries. If, from a mistaken view of the subject, they should be led to apply a remedy merely to a single cause, instead of producing that good which is the object of the discussion, they may thereby only give additional weight and force to the other causes, which have been instrumental in bringing about the evil.

There are some other particulars, on which the right honourable gentleman touched, to which I shall shortly advert. He admitted, that the declaration of an intention to continue the prohibition on the distilleries, beyond the period now fixed by the act, might have some effect in lowering the price of provisions; but seemed to have some hesitation, whether it would be expedient or necessary, to adopt such a measure. Undoubtedly, if the measure is not intended to be adopted, no declaration ought to be made. But the objection of the right honourable gentleman seemed to be, that the continuance of the prohibition would have the effect of lessening the revenue. I certainly should consider, whatever was so lost to the revenue, as well gained to the country, in point of the industry and morals of its inhabitants. Besides, if this prohibition should occasion an increased importation of foreign spirits, the revenue would gain from the additional duty on these, with less danger to that class of the community, whose labours and whose virtues form the strength and security of the state. To protect their industry, and to guard their morals, is the first duty of a statesman, and the best interest of a nation. Narrow-sighted, indeed, and pernicious would be the policy of the minister, who sought to draw the sources of his revenue from their dissipation and intemperance, from the relaxation of their habits, and the debasement of their character. I therefore can see no reason why