He

not now immediately before the House; but the reflections were so natural, that he could not help alluding to them, even in this stage of the present bill; for, from the events which we had just heard of, it was impossible for any man who did not deceive himself with sanguine views, to think that Austria could be equal to France in this contest. If this war was to be carried on, we must have some farther support than merely that of the emperor against France; and this must put that peace which was so desirable to all, far off indeed. We were told, every day, of the great distresses of France; and he believed that they existed to a certain degree: but he never could look with pleasure on the prosecution of a war, when the question between the parties was, Who could hold out under severe pressure, and bear great distress the longest? Such a determination was too dreadful even to think of. had heard, that, respect to our own prospect of distress, the accounts were exaggerated. He wished to hear a statement of facts that would lead him to believe that such was really the case. But he had no grounds for believing that the distress of France from the scarcity and high price of provisions was not likely to be felt also in this country, and that for a considerable time, even although the evil should not in reality be equal to the accounts of it. He could not let pass this opportunity of delivering his sentiments. He wished at all times that we should avoid, as much as possible, the calamities of war, always dreadful, but now much more so, if every part of Europe was likely soon to feel the want of provisions. From these serious and, to him, alarming apprehensions, he found it his duty to oppose this bill in its last stage.

The bill was then read a third time and passed.

RELIEF TO THE MERCHANTS OF GRENADA AND
ST. VINCENTS.

June 11.

PETITION was presented by Lord Sheffield, from the merand St.Vincents, setting forth, "That the recent calamities which have befallen the said islands, and the consequences with which they have been, and will be, attended, compel the petitioners to apply to the House for such aid as may, in some degree, alleviate their misfortune that these calamities have been occasioned by insurrections of the French inhabitants, and free people of colour, in both

:

the said islands, joined in St. Vincent by the Carribs, and although it is to be hoped, that every quarter hath not suffered in an equal degree, yet every estate must be materially injured by the necessary absence of the managers and overseers, who, in the very season of the crop, assembled as militia for the defence of the sovereignty of the islands; and that the petitioners had reason to expect an importation of produce to a very large amount, which would have enabled them to have fulfilled various engagements, which, from the nature of their concerns in business, they had entered into, and, as a great supply of different articles from this country will be required for re-settling and restoring the estates, the petitioners will be unable, without the aid of the House, either to fulfil such engagements, or furnish such supplies; and that the petitioners compute, that the clear value of the produce from Grenada and St. Vincent has been equal to one million annually, and, as but a small proportion of such produce can now be expected, they already begin to feel the pressure of so serious a defalcation, by the effect which it hath produced upon their credit in the commercial world; and therefore praying the House to take their case into immediate consideration, and to grant such relief as to the House may seem proper." After the petition had been supported by Mr. Pitt,

Mr. Fox said, that among the many and various calamities which this war had already heaped upon us, beyond any thing of which the whole history of the country furnished an example, this was a striking instance. In former wars the West Indies had experienced many disasters. We had lost islands; we had gained them: we had also seen the same chance happen in this war; but to it was particularly reserved the consequence of making necessary such extraordinary expedients as the present. When the bill for the relief of our commercial credit was proposed, he doubted the expediency of it, because, if reliefs of this kind were to be granted whenever they were asked, every one must see what the influence of the minister must be with all persons connected with commercial dealings. The present application proved to him the truth of this observation, for he could not forget how often he had been told in private by persons of considerable importance in public affairs, "We have West India property, and we must support administration." Here was at once an explanation of the cause of the support given by commercial men to the measures of the king's ministers; they apprehended that their own credit might be in danger, and therefore in order to have parliamentary aid in their embarrassment, they sanctioned with their voices what they disapproved in their hearts. If this system was continued to be acted upon, he would venture to say, that we may indeed have the form and name of a free constitution, but the spirit of it would be gone, and there would not remain among us even the vestige

of liberty, for there would not be a man remaining, who had any commercial dealings, who would venture to speak his mind upon public affairs, for fear of disobliging the minister, whose favour he was like to stand in need of. Every war in its nature tended to increase the influence of the ministers of this country; but this in a greater degree than all former wars, for day after day it introduced innovation upon innovation, such as the boldest man, who had any regard for liberty, could not behold, without the most alarming apprehensions: for of all innovations on the principles of liberty, those were the most dangerous which were silent in their effect, and gradual in their progress. Such measures as the present were, in his apprehension, much more dangerous to the constitution of this country, than any abuse of the election of members to serve in parliament, great even as that evil might be. If, in the common course of war, the West India islands should fall into the hands of the enemy, he wished to know in what respect that case could be distinguished in point of principle from the present application; and what ground there was for us to be assured, that even that misfortune might not befal us. The minister had said, there was no blame to be attached to the merchants who made this application. He would dare to say not, except in the circumstance of not having opposed that which brought on their misfortune; and he hinted too, that no blame would attach to ministers if the subject was inquired into; and yet this very inquiry the minister had always refused to grant. He would say again, what he had often said, that there was much to blame that ministers had been grossly negligent in that quarter, as well as in many other parts of the world; and he trusted that a new House of Commons, or perhaps, even this House of Commons, would be of that way of thinking, for he believed such long to have been the opinion of the public. Such was the opinion in the West Indies; such he verily believed to be the opinion of the very men who signed this petition—an opinion which they would have expressed long ago, had they not foreseen that they might be under the necessity of asking such a boon as this of government. Mr. Fox then desired the House to consider the nature of West India property, and to pause before they proceeded upon this business. Above all, he hoped that the House would recollect its own resolution with regard to the abolition of the slave trade; and he trusted that no measure would be adopted by parliament, to give aid to the purchase of slaves; for that would be in the last degree disgraceful to the House. He saw a crowd of difficulties in this business. He lamented that the lateness of the session made it impos

:

sible that it should be discussed in a House properly attended. He was afraid it would succeed in parliament, if countenanced by the minister; but it was his intention to give it his negative.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

October 29.

THE king opened the session with the following speech :

"My Lords, and Gentlemen ;

"It is a great satisfaction to me to reflect, that, notwithstanding the many events unfavourable to the common cause, the prospect resulting from the general situation of affairs has, in many important respects, been materially improved in the course of the present year. In Italy, the threatened invasion of the French has been prevented; and they have been driven back from a considerable part of the line of coast which they had occupied : there is also reason to hope that the recent operations of the Austrian armies have checked the progress which they have made on the side of Germany, and frustrated the offensive projects which they were pursuing in that quarter. The successes which have attended their military operations in other parts of the campaign, and the advantages which they have derived from the conclusion of separate treaties with some of the powers who were engaged in the war, are far from compensating the evils which they experience from its continuance. The destruction of their commerce, the diminution of their maritime power, and the unparalleled embarrassment and distress of their internal situation, have produced the impression which was naturally to be expected; and a general sense appears to prevail throughout France, that the only relief from the increasing pressure of these difficulties must arise from the restoration of peace, and the establishment of some settled system of government.-The distraction and anarchy which have so long prevailed in that country, have led to a crisis, of which it is as yet impossible to foresee the issue; but which must, in all human probability, produce consequences highly important to the interests of Europe. Should this crisis terminate in any order of things compatible with the tranquillity of other countries, and affording a reasonable expectation of security and permanence in any treaty which might be concluded, the appearance of a disposition to negotiate for general peace on just and suitable terms, will not fail to be met, on my part, with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect. But I am persuaded you will agree with me, that nothing is so likely to ensure and accelerate

this desirable end, as to shew that we are prepared for either alternative, and are determined to prosecute the war with the utmost energy and vigour, until we have the means of concluding, in conjunction with our allies, such a peace as the justice of our cause, and the situation of the enemy may entitle us to expect.With this view I am continuing to make the greatest exertions for maintaining and improving our naval superiority, and for carrying on active and vigorous operations in the West Indies, in order to secure and extend the advantages which we have gained in that quarter, and which are so nearly connected with our commercial resources and maritime strength. I rely with full confidence on the continuance of your firm and zealous support, on the uniform bravery of my fleets and armies, and on the fortitude, perseverance, and public spirit of all ranks of my people. The acts of hostility committed by the United Provinces, under the influence and controul of France, have obliged me to treat them as in a state of war with this country. - The fleet which I have employed in the North Seas has received the most cordial and active assistance from the naval force furnished by the Empress of Russia, and has been enabled effectually to check the operations of the enemy in that quarter. I have concluded engagements of defensive alliance with the two imperial courts: and the ratifications of the treaty of commerce with the United States of America, which I announced to you last year, have now been exchanged. I have directed copies of these treaties to be laid before you.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; it is matter of deep concern to me, that the exigencies of the public service will require further additions to the heavy burdens which have been unavoidably imposed on my people. I trust that their pressure will, in some degree, be alleviated by the flourishing state of our commerce and manufactures, and that our expences, though necessarily great in their amount, will, under the actual circumstances of the war, admit of considerable diminution in comparison with those of the present year.

66

'My Lords, and Gentlemen; I have observed for some time past, with the greatest anxiety, the very high price of grain, and that anxiety is increased by the apprehension that the produce of the wheat harvest in the present year may not have been such as effectually to relieve my people from the difficulties with which they have had to contend. The spirit of order and submission to the laws which, with very few exceptions, has manifested itself under this severe pressure, will, I am sure, be felt by you as an additional incentive to apply yourselves with the utmost diligence to the consideration of such measures as may tend to alleviate the present distress, and to prevent, as far as possible, the renewal of similar embarrassments in future. Nothing has been omitted on my part, that appeared likely to contribute to this end; and you may be assured of my hearty concurrence in whatever regulations the wisdom of parliament may adopt, on a subject so peculiarly interesting to my people, whose welfare will ever be the object nearest my heart."

An Address of Thanks in answer to the speech was proposed by