the chancellor of the exchequer to ruin his reputation as a politician, and, with it, to ruin the reputation, and finally to get rid of, the whole of his new federates, whose character might stand in the way of his measures.

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of any Mr. Fox said, he did not pretend to say what were the tives of the minister which led to the conduct he observed upon that occasion. He should not enter into a minute detail of the facts; but this he would say, that it was essential for the public to know the whole truth upon the subject. He had heard, as had been alleged that night by his learned friend who made the present motion, that, in another place, there had been a very fair and frank declaration, that upon application being made to the chancellor of the exchequer, to know his sentiments on the conduct of Earl Fitzwilliam, he explicitly disavowed the whole of it. Earl Fitzwilliam, on the contrary, insisted, that with that very minister he had conversed upon that subject, that he had communicated his sentiments to that minister, had stated his intentions to him, all of which he expressly approved. Upon such a difference of assertion, he would ask that House, was it or was it not fitting that they should inquire, and be satisfied how the facts stood? He might think that the removal of Mr. Beresford was not an event in itself of great importance; but when such a man as Mr. Beresford was put in competition with the united wishes and the common interests of the whole people of Ireland, Mr. Beresford rose into great and striking importance, and in that view the circumstances became worthy of the inquiry of that House.

Here Mr. Fox took notice of some disputes which commenced in October last, between the two parties of administration; he spoke, he said, from public rumour only, having no specific knowledge on the fact. From that rumour he understood a plan was in agitation to sever the whole of the new administration from the old, and he did not think there were any persons qualified to form an opinion upon the subject, who doubted the truth of that rumour. He certainly lamented that any of his old friends had joined the present administration, or had formed any connection with them; but he was ready still to regard their characters with tenderness, and therefore he wished to support every inquiry that was necessary to vindicate their honour. That Earl Fitzwilliam should have pursued the measures he did in Ireland, was perfectly natural. Long before that nobleman became the lord lieutenant of that country, he had ceased to converse with him upon political subjects, because he knew they differed, but yet he was perfectly satisfied of the course which the noble earl would take during his administration in Ireland. It was

as natural to expect that he should have pursued the plan he did, as if he (Mr. Fox) were to be minister to-morrow it would be natural to expect he would make some attempt to negotiate with France. It was said when Earl Fitzwilliam was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, there would be an end of the old system of government, of the influence of the Beresfords, and there would of course be a complete emancipation of the catholics. Therefore, it was extraordinary to affect surprise at the part which Earl Fitzwilliam took upon that occasion. There was something extremely singular in the manner in which some gentlemen affected to say that the recal of Earl Fitzwilliam from the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was no insinuation by ministers against his character; and yet that these gentlemen should insist upon it that the dismissal of Mr. Beresford by the noble earl was a direct attack upon his character. Now, he wished to know which of the two events was the more important? Had Mr. Beresford been dismissed for ever, did the House believe that there would have been an address and remonstrance from the catholics in consequence of that event? The truth was, that facts spoke for themselves too plainly in this case. Earl Fitzwilliam was popular in Ireland; but popularity with the people was one thing-popularity in the king's cabinet another.

After having exhausted all their shifts upon this subject, the king's ministers found out by accident, that to give complete emancipation to the catholics was a thing dangerous in some degree to the king's coronation oath. This was a sort of objection which it was very difficult to state gravely; and when he saw men of sense attempting to make use of it as an argument, he was led to conclude that it was adopted merely as an evasion; for surely, when men capable of forming a just opinion upon things, assigned a reason which could not be stated to children without exciting their ridicule, the real reason must be such as it did not suit their characters to disclose. The learned and the pious prelate to whom he had already alluded, (Archbishop Newcombe,) and whose province it was to guard against any dangerous innovation in religion, had been able to discover none of this alarming hostility to the king's coronation oath, nor had any of the people of Ireland or of England in the measure of the catholic emancipation. But the chancellor of the exchequer and the secretary of state, in the plenitude of their piety, and their zeal for the due observance of religious rites and ceremonies, forsooth, had lately made this discovery!

The next point to be considered, was the opinion which. the mass of the people of a country entertained of the government under which they lived. He knew there were some who

affected to despise that idea; but they were weak, shallow miserable politicians. He knew that Ireland was in that respect in a very dangerous condition. It was essential to the welfare of a country that the common people should have a veneration for its laws. This was by no means the case in Ireland; and why? Because the law was there regarded as an instrument of oppression, and as having been made upon a principle of pitiful monopoly, and not for the general protection, welfare, and happiness of the mass of the people. It was too common there for the lower class of the people to resist the execution of the laws. Theft itself was not regarded by them with the same abhorrence as with us. Indeed, if we would have the mass of mankind regard our laws with veneration, we must make them feel the benefits of them; shew them that they are equal, and alike administered to all without distinction. It was this principle which made the laws of England so much the object of our admiration; it was this which made the people parties, as it were, in the execution of the laws; for when any one infringed them, a prosecution against him was generally a popular measure. What he said with regard to laws, was also applicable to religion. He would have religious toleration as equal as the laws of England, and that all men should be estimated in society by their morals, and not by the mode of religious worship. To root out prejudices altogether was not a thing to be accomplished at once; but it was a thing to be attempted, and every step towards it would be an advantage to the country. Such was the plan of Earl Fitzwilliam, which, instead of being aided, as it ought, was thwarted by the measures of our ministers. They had renewed the old plan of corruption, which had made the government of that country odious; this was too well authenticated to be doubted: it had been stated publicly in the House of Commons there, by a gentleman whose talents were highly eminent, and for whom, notwithstanding some little differences upon political subjects, he had a high esteem, (he meant Mr. Grattan); that gentleman had stated that peerages in Ireland, instead of being a matter of honour, were an article of sale: that they were purchased from the corruption of seats in the House of Commons. He had heard much of the influence of the crown in this country. He believed it to be as great as it was ever stated to be. But in Ireland corruption had been publicly avowed and acted upon. Such a government must certainly be in a very decrepid state, and therefore any plan for the relief of the people was highly necessary. What, then, were we to think of ministers, who held out an encouragement at one time for such a plan, and afterwards

recalled a lord lieutenant for attempting to carry it into execution?

The question, therefore, rested upon the cause and the manner of the recal of Earl Fitzwilliam; and upon that subject it was impossible fairly to pass by the conduct of his majesty's ministers, without inquiry. He had heard much said of the danger of investigating this business: danger, he admitted, there was, not from an inquiry, but from abstaining from investigation. He had heard also a good deal said about the honour of his majesty's ministers. Upon that topic he was not concerned; they would defend their own honour, and deal with it as they might think best. Earl Fitzwilliam desired only an investigation of facts; in which, he said, his honour was concerned, and also the interest of the nation; and therefore he thought it imported the House to institute the inquiry. He knew, indeed, that if Earl Fitzwilliam had adopted the plan which others had set for him, he might long since have been very easy; he might have had an opportunity of accepting a good place; ministers would have said, "It is true you have uttered some hard sentences against us, but now we are good friends, every thing is understood between us." But the truth was, that Earl Fitzwilliam did not enter into what was called the spirit of the present administration, that was to say, he did not sacrifice his character for the purpose of putting himself upon an equality with them. He had, thank God, not entered into that spirit: he said, thank God! for no political difference of opinion ever had, or ever should, destroy his friendship for that noble person. Earl Fitzwilliam had acted honourably; he called for inquiry; he stated his claim to it; he had a right to demand it of the justice of that House; his honour was in their hands, and therefore they ought to grant him an inquiry. Should the House refuse it, Mr. Fox declared he knew not, among the various names that had been given to various parliaments, what name to give to the present parliament; it certainly was not an inquisitive parliament. They had seen large subsidies granted, and they had not inquired into the services performed; they had known alliances entered into, and our allies afterwards desert us, and they had not inquired for what reason; they had seen our armies defeated, and they had not inquired into the causes of such failures; they had seen this empire nearly ruined by the conduct of the king's ministers, and they had continued their confidence in such ministers. It was for want of inquiry we had been brought into our present calamitous situation. Knowing this, he must leave it to the wisdom of the House to reflect on the consequences of continuing to refuse inquiries into subjects in which the prosperity and

happiness of this and the sister kingdom were so deeply involved.

The motion was also supported by Mr. Grey and Lord Milton, and opposed by Mr. Pitt, Mr. Orde, Mr. Douglas, and Mr. Serjeant Adair. The House then divided on the question, that the other orders of the day be now read:

Tellers.

YEAS {Mr. Po wyth}

Powys

188. NOES

Tellers.

Mr. Jekyll Mr. Whitbread 49. Whitbread} Mr. Jekyll's motion was consequently rejected.

THIS

FRANCE.

May 27.

HIS day Mr. Wilberforce moved, "That it is the opinion of this House, that the present circumstances of France ought not to preclude the government of this country from entertaining proposals for a general pacification, and that it is for the interest of Great Britain to make peace with France, provided it can be effected on fair terms, and in an honourable manner." Mr.Wilberforce's speech upon this occasion was warmly replied to by Mr. Windham, who contended, that it was nugatory to talk of the willingness of the French government to listen to overtures from this country, after the explicit manner in which they had determined to reduce its power and influence throughout Europe. France was at the present hour in a state of universal agitation: jealousies and mistrusts of each other distracted its rulers, and irritation at their conduct pervaded the mass of the people, who had never been so prone to shake off the usurpations of their vernors, as they appeared of late. Motions to treat for peace were, he said, totally unseasonable for those reasons: they tended to dishearten the public from the prosecution of a war which promised to terminate so favourably to the cause of this country and its allies: they promoted disaffection, and placed government in an odious light. He would therefore oppose the present motion, by moving the other orders of the day.

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He

Mr. Fox began by observing, that the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Windham) had introduced so much personality into his speech that it was not easy to answer him. did not think that he had behaved perfectly ingenuous towards him; and he was of opinion, that the remark that had been made, that the motion being supported by him, and those