Mr. Fox rose to give his most hearty assent to the motion now before the House. He declared, he had no doubt of the spirit, activity, skill, talents, or patriotism of the noble earl: however in political questions he might have the misfortune to differ from him, there was not a man in that House, or in the country, who had given higher satisfaction in all his professional life than the noble earl had; he therefore never heard a motion which had more decidedly his approbation than the present. He had uniformly believed, that if the noble earl should not engage the French fleet, it was only because he had no opportunity of doing so. The noble earl had, to his knowledge, been engaged in the service of his country at a time when faction was extremely high, and, under all the difficulties that naturally arose under such circumstances, he maintained his character for spirit, skill, and talents, so as to make it impossible for any rational man to suppose that he would not attack an equal force of the enemy at any time. Having said this in mere justice to the character of the nobleman who was the deserved object of admiration, he must add, that he could have wished that the right honourable gentleman who brought the business forward, had not introduced extraneous matters, under the convoy of this victorious fleet, and that he had not blended points on which opinions were divided with those on which there was, as ought to be, perfect unanimity. Such conduct, on the part of his majesty's ministers, would, on any other occasion, call for his animadversion; but on this he should not say any thing that might, by the most perverse construction, be supposed to diminish the uuanimity of the day. With regard to the brilliancy of the victory, he subscribed to every word that had been said in praise of it; nor were the observations that were made on the humanity displayed on the occasion at all misplaced. This added to the numerous proofs we found in the history of battles, that true valour and humanity were nearly allied; and he hoped to God they would for ever remain inseparable companions. Of this victory he should say nothing more, than that he rejoiced in it as much as any man in England could rejoice in it; and that, considering it in a defensive point of view, it was extremely important to this country, as well as glorious. He could not, however, help saying, that if at an early period of the war, any man had said that this was a matter then so doubtful, that on its happening it would be considered as a matter of great triumph, and to be rejoiced at as an event not to be expected, such a person would have been considered as making use of a very desponding observation. He rejoiced in this victory, not on account of its being beyond his hopes in the beginning, but on account of the com

[June 16. fortable reflection arising out of it; for it had saved us from the possibility, and removed our apprehensions of an invasion from the French; and if it was made proper use of by his majesty's ministers, for the wise and salutary purposes of procuring peace, it would then be indeed a blessing to this country. If turned to the purposes of peace, then we should have reason to rejoice, then it would be as solidly useful as it was unquestionably brilliant; more so, perhaps, than this country ever knew at any period of its history. If, on the contrary, it was made use of for the impracticable object of destroying the government of France, though its brilliancy remained, its utility would cease. He should say no more upon this subject; he should not touch on the points which he could have wished the right honourable gentleman had passed over, because he was extremely desirous there should not only be an unanimity in the vote, but in the language also of that House on this occasion. He should, therefore, only say, that he never gave a vote in his life with more complete and heartfelt satisfaction than the present; first, as to the noble earl under whose command the victory was gained; and next, as to all the officers and men who acted under him, for he presumed it was to be extended to them all: a vote, he believed, never passed that House, that was followed with more general and cordial concurrence throughout the country.

ADDRESS OF THANKS TO HIS MAJESTY FOR HIS COMMUNICATIONS RESPECTING SEDITIOUS PRACTICES.

THIS

June 16.

HIS day the Lords agreed upon the following address of thanks to the king, which they sent down to the Commons for their concurrence:

"Most Gracious Sovereign,

"We, your majesty's most dutiful annd loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in parliament assembled, having taken into our most serious consideration the communications, which your Majesty has been pleased to make to us, respecting designs against the public peace and safety carried on within this realm, think it our bounden duty, at this period, humbly to lay before your majesty those sentiments to which we are led by the result of that examination.

"We have seen, with the utmost concern and indignation, that there has existed within this realm a seditious and traitorous con

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spiracy, directed to the subversion of the authority of your majesty and your parliament, and to the utter destruction of the established constitution and government of these your majesty's kingdoms; and that, for the execution of those wicked and detestable designs, means of open violence were preparing, and acts meditated, leading to all the horrors of insurrection, anarchy and rebellion.

"That, with the fullest conviction of these designs, thus deliberately entertained, openly avowed, and on the very point of being attempted to be executed, we feel ourselves bound to express to your majesty our gratitude for the paternal care which your majesty has shewn for the dearest interests of your people, in having taken such measures as might best tend to defeat all such purposes, and to bring the authors and abettors of them to public justice.

"We have, on our part, proceeded without delay, after the example of our ancestors, and under the just impression of the exigency of such a situation, to vest in your majesty, by law, such additional powers as seem best calculated to provide for the public peace and tranquillity: and we rely with confidence on your majesty's employing all legal and constitutional means for the punishment of such crimes; for the suppression of the first appearance of any tumult or disorder connected with them; and, generally, for the giving, as the circumstances manifestly require, full energy and vigour to the execution of the laws by which all your majesty's subjects are equally protected, and from which alone they can derive the secure enjoyment of property, of liberty, and of life itself.

"And we beg leave to assure your majesty, that, as we are de termined to defend with resolution and vigour, against our foreign enemies, the rights of your majesty's crown: the safety and welfare of our country, and the existence of good order and civil society, so we will, on every occasion, afford to your majesty the fullest support and assistance in maintaining inviolate the free constitution of these realms, in preserving internal peace and tranquillity, and in resisting the desperate purposes of those who would introduce among us the miseries which now prevail in France; such being the conduct which we feel to be due from us, as faithful and affectionate subjects, and as men deeply impressed with the value of the blessings which we enjoy."

Mr. Pitt having moved, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said address,"

Mr. Fox said he should have been happy, if he could, consistently with his duty, have given his vote in favour of this address. Various associations had certainly been formed; some of them for laudable purposes, and others for purposes perhaps not so laudable. He should have considered the address with more satisfaction, if he had been persuaded that the effects of it on the persons who were its declared objects, would be such as gentlemen who supported it seemed to ex

pect. With regard to those persons, who had formed themselves into associations, with views more or less laudable, as far as their views were to be judged of from their original professions, it could not be suspected that he had any partiality to influence his opinion. Partiality could be derived only from general concurrence of sentiment, favour shewn, or support received. Those persons, however, among many other important instances of signalizing themselves, had always been signalized as his personal and political enemies: they were also, the greater part of them, the very persons who had supported that system of power against which he had always contended; they were the persons who had at all times, till very lately, supported the present minister: who had lent their utmost aid to bring him into power; and who, by their present conduct in opposition to him, contributed more to promote his measures than by their former support. In the discussion of public questions, much as he regretted when it was his misfortune to differ from those with whom he had long lived in habits of intimacy, or generally agreed on constitutional principles, he was not to be governed by personal feelings or political kindness. He was not now to debate, whether or not there were some persons who entertained principles and favoured designs hostile to the established government of the country. At all times there had been such persons, and ever would be under any possible system. Was it not notorious, that during the reigns of the two first princes of the house of Brunswick, there existed, not a few inconsi derable persons, but a party of great weight and influence, from numbers, rank, property and character, not merely entertaining, but actively prosecuting designs hostile to the protestant succession as established in that house? But, had the best bulwarks of the constitution, and the most valuable defences of our rights been suspended on that account? No; the good sense of the people at large, and their attachment to a system, the practical effect of which they felt to be the promotion of their happiness, rendered fruitless the systematic hostility of that party. On the decline of that party, by whatever name it might be called, other disaffected persons, with the same or perhaps other views, naturally arose. How this new party acted in 1784, it was unnecessary for him to mention. Gentlemen could not but know that the system of vilifying parliament, so successfully pursued at that period, must have produced a very great effect, and perhaps been the immediate cause of all those proceedings which they were now called upon to repress by such extraordinary measures. The question to be debated was not the existence of disaffected persons, but whether what they did was sufficient to call for or

warrant a departure from the ordinary course of administering the government? Were not the laws against seditious or treasonable practices in full force? and was not the general disposition of the people loyal and zealous to support the constitution? What more was necessary?

As the French by their abuse of liberty had brought liberty itself into disrepute, he warned the House against the fatal error, of bringing the constitution into contempt with the people, by teaching them, that it was inadequate to any emergency, that it possessed not vigour to oppose the least attack, that it held forth the semblance and not the substance of protection. In discussing questions of war or alliances, they were told, that it was the prerogative of the crown to declare war and conclude treaties, and that parliament was not to interfere with the exercise of that prerogative, but to punish ministers in case they abused it. Was it not equally the prerogative and the duty of the crown to punish all attempts against the constitution by the regular course of law, and the province of parliament to animadvert on ministers if they neglected or betrayed that duty? No reason could be alleged for deviating from the ordinary mode in the one case any more than in the other. Why, then, were they called upon to take the head and give a previous sanction to measures, which it was their duty only to superintend? What, after all, was expected from their address? Professions of loyalty. Surely, surely, the House of Commons had better means of manifesting their loyalty than by professions! Professions they had already given in abundance, and they were now to give no material advice; they were only called upon to witness facts, to affirm their belief of the existence of a conspiracy, which were already in issue on the trials of the persons.committed as accomplices in that conspiracy. The papers in the report on which the address was founded, were many of them the composition of ministers: of the authenticity of such papers, neither the House nor the secret committee had any knowledge of their own; and they might all be as false as the charges upon which Mr. Walker of Manchester was brought to trial. The effect of the address could only be to publish the opinion of the House that the constitution was in danger.

He had flattered himself, that the day on which they had voted thanks for a great and glorious victory, atchieved by the united zeal and valour of every officer and seaman in our fleet, would not have been chosen as the day to sound alarm. That victory, he trusted, would have banished every idea of invasion from the enemy, the only circumstance that could give colour to danger from disaffected persons at home; and he had hoped that Lord Howe had not only conquered the