14. "That it is the opinion of this House, that in every possible case, it is equally desirable that his majesty should make an explicit declaration of his views. If it is the intention not to interfere in the internal government of France, nothing can contribute so much to advance a negociation with those who now exercise the power of government in that country, as such a declaration solemnly and explicitly made. If on the other hand it is intended to interfere, it is highly essential to make the degree of interference precisely known, to induce such parts of the French nation as are dissatisfied with the present government, to unite and exert themselves with satisfaction and security."

Upon the first resolution being put, Mr. Jenkinson rose and moved the previous question thereon; in which he was supported by Mr. Pitt. The resolution was warmly defended by Mr. Sheridan. In reply to what fell from Mr. Pitt, who had cast some reflections on the conduct of Mr. Sheridan,

Mr. Fox said, that when he considered the secret committee that had been alluded to, there were some men among them whose talents and integrity he held in the highest esteem; but if in point of abilities, if in point of integrity and honour, if in point of every quality that could adorn the character of man, they were compared with his honourable friend, (Mr. Sheridan,) they were compared with their equal, and the comparison would do them no dishonour. With regard to the question before the House, the right honourable gentleman had blended two things essentially distinct; the medium by which we were to carry on this war, and the object for which it was carried on. And here he must say, that it was not originally expressed to be the object of our executive government; it had never been expressed to be the object of that House; it never ought to be the object of this country, to carry on the war for the purpose of forming a government for France. Surely, if there was any distinction to be marked by words, means were one thing, the object another. The right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer insisted that he had confounded the idea of the alteration of the government of France with the conquest of France, and that in reality the majority of the people of France were against the present government. For his part, he would not insult the good sense of the House by seeming to agree to that position. For how stood the facts as opposed to the bare assertion of the right honourable gentleman? Let the House look at the expedition of the Earl of Moira, an expedition not planned in secret, and overturned by stratagem, but an expedition publicly announced, and for six months endeavoured to be carried into execution, by affording to the majority of the French an opportunity of joining us, for the

his

purpose of destroying a form of government of which they were said to be so tired. If he were, after this, to say that the great majority of the people of France were desirous of joining us to destroy their present government, he should afterwards be ashamed to shew his face any where in Europe. The French were not now desirous of destroying their republic. Had they ever been so? What was the case at the desertion of Dumourier? He abandoned the cause of the French republic. How many followed him? A few officers and domestics. We took Valenciennes. How many repaired to our standard in consequence? We took possession of Toulon by the agreement of some of the inhabitants. We erected there a standard of royalty. How many Frenchmen came to it? A declaration was made in favour of royalty, the French were called upon to shake off their sanguinary tyrants, and were told that we would protect them. How many Frenchmen flocked to us for that protection? Were we not compelled to fly, and abandon the town and its inhabitants to the fury of their enemies? To all these facts the right honourable gentleman was to oppose a speculation of own, to prove that the majority of the French were hostile to the present government. If there were a majority of the people in that country who favoured the designs of the allied powers; but, after all the opportunities which had been given, found it impossible to act, they might as well not be in existence, for "de non apparentibus et non existentibus eadem est ratio." If the peasants all along the frontier of France, who had Prussian, Austrian, or British troops to fly to for protection, did not do it, but continued to oppose them, what hopes could we form that they would yet do it? No, no, whatever the French might think of their government, they would never join the allies to alter it; they had too clear a specimen of Prussian and Russian and British and Austrian integrity, to remain doubtful of its nature; they saw by the partition of Poland, that when the allies professed to protect, their object was to plunder, and that in order to shew their hatred of innovation, they themselves introduced innovations of the most shameful and oppressive kind. It was said to be extraordinary, that gentlemen should both oppose and support the war. He was one of those who did so; let the ridicule attach to him if there would be any. He would do all in his power to persuade the people of this country to demand peace; but if a headstrong, rash, ignorant, or haughty minister should plunge us into a war, then we must do the best we could to get out of it; and to keep up our respectability to the rest of the world, supplies must be granted. He would not consent to ruin his country, because a minister

had been either weak or wicked enough to involve us in a great difficulty. This was called supporting and opposing the war; but it was not new to him either in practice or in accusation. He did the same thing in the American war after the French had joined in it. He could not consent to receive laws from the French; and he believed they would be as unwilling to receive laws from us; this was a distinction which every man could understand, who gave himself the trouble to comprehend what he heard.

With respect to his assertion, that the emigrant corps bill was the first open avowal of the intention of this country to interfere in the internal concerns of France, what he meant was, that it was the first efficient act to prove such an avowal; for before, it consisted merely in declarations, and he knew the right honourable gentleman could, in a very happy manner, explain away those declarations if he found it convenient, or if it was necessary to the preservation of his place, even to condescend to apology or humiliation; for there was no pill however bitter, that he would not swallow, however high and vaunting his expressions might be in that House, rather than surrender power, that God of his idolatry. In support of this assertion Mr. Fox adverted to the right honourable gentleman's conduct, after all his great words concerning Oczakow, when he submitted to the most degrading apology to the Empress of Russia. If he found it answer his purpose to explain away his declaration with regard to France, he could prevail on Mr. Fawkener, or some other person, to go to Paris on that business; but overt acts were not so easily done away. Another objection he had to the emigrant corps bill, was, that though this country might break its faith with regard to nations, it should be cautious of preserving it with individuals, and of not holding out to those unhappy people a protection which we were either unable, or had no intention to afford them.

As to the general argument, that the House had already divided on many points which were now brought forward, it was an answer that might be made to cover any error however enormous: it was an answer which he had continually received during the American war, and which he had as continually despised: it was a mode of answering, however, which had cost the country above one hundred millions of money, and many, many thousands of men; it was by this sort of obstinacy in ministers, and implicit confidence in the House, that this country might be ruined. These topics were resorted to, and this system adopted, by many of the same men in this and in the former war; the conclusion of this might, perhaps, be more calamitous to this country than the conclusion of that

war had been. The right honourable gentleman had said a great deal on what was due to our dignity, and that we could not negociate with the present rulers of France without disgracing ourselves. Had the right honourable gentleman forgotten that he himself had negociated with M. Chauvelin, the then minister of these very jacobins? and that Lord Auckland had negociated with Dumourier, the then agent of these very persons? The right honourable gentleman, on all occasions, dwelt much upon danger at home. The House, he feared, would be often called upon to attend to that subject.

When the militia was called out contrary to law, insurrections were alleged as the pretext; but the right honourable gentleman was unable to produce a single instance of any set of individuals having gone any length that was alarming to the constitution. It had happened, however, that as the war had proceeded, jacobins had increased in number in Germany and in Italy. War, therefore, had not hitherto tended to their extermination. He did not intend to have said any thing upon the alarm that had gone forth in this country, nor on the means made use of to increase and spread it; whenever the day came, he should be ready also upon that point. He could not now dismiss the subject, however, without observing, that an alarm had been spread over this country, and a false one, for political and unfair purposes; the charge of conspiracy had been most foully exhibited against innocent persons. He knew how Mr. Walker was indicted for a conspiracy: that charge was most infamously false; it was supported by nothing but the most gross and disgusting perjury; and the jury, against whom no complaint of attachment to jacobinism was or could be exhibited, had unanimously given a verdict of not guilty. This prosecution was forwarded-by whom? He had seen hand-bills upon that and similar subjects; he would not say they were propagated by ministers, but he knew it to be by men not unconnected with ministers. With respect to himself, no man who thought of him with common candour and fairness, would think that he had wishes hostile to the constitution of this country; honest men would think well of him, and from men of another description, he knew he should meet with misrepresentation and slander. It was a misfortune which he had already frequently incurred, and which he must submit to in the present instance. He, therefore, in spite of popular clamour, would declare it to be his opinion, because it was his opinion, that there was that day great cause for alarm in this country, but that the danger was not to be apprehended from low and inconsiderable persons, who had read Mr. Paine's book, and who, perhaps, might not understand it,

but from those who make the weak, instruments in the hands of the wicked, for the purpose of destroying the fairest, the most beautiful, the most ornamental, and at the same time the soundest and the best part of the constitution of England, by suspending the laws for the protection of the subject. That there was in this country, at this day, a party who thought the present a good opportunity to try to effect their purpose, and to defeat all the principles of government that were popular at the accession of the house of Brunswick, who wished to establish in this country the despotism of some of the worst governments of the continent, by which all the freedom of the constitution of this country, and the blessings we had enjoyed under it, were to be done away for ever he was firmly persuaded: they were active, and not without hopes of success; but it was his duty to tell this to the public, that they might see their danger, know whence it came, and prevent it before it was too late. They were a party who had always existed in this country, and who, at different times, under the appellation of high churchmen, jacobites, and tories, had endeavoured to destroy the civil liberties of the country. However odious they might endeavour to make him, he should not cease to oppose their views, so long as he remained in this House, and to warn the people of their danger; and though, in the execution of this duty, he might have to encounter clamour and misrepresentation, he should at least be secure of the approbation of the wise and good, and also of his own conscience.

}

Tellers.
Mr. Jenkinson

55.

208.

So it passed in the negative.

VOTE OF THANKS TO LORD HOWE FOR THE VICTORY OF THE FIRST of June.

MR.

June 16.

R. Secretary Dundas having moved, "That the thanks of this House be given to Admiral Earl Howe, for his able and and gallant conduct in the most brilliant and decisive victory obtained over the French fleet, on the first day of this instant June, by the fleet under his command."