honourable gentleman had spoken of M. Brissot in a manner not very creditable to himself. He had judged of him from the writings of his enemies; which was as unfair a test of his character, as it would be if any one were to judge of that right honourable gentleman's character from what had been written against him by Mr. Hastings's friends.

As to the character of the persons now holding the government of France, if that were to be urged as a reason for continuing the war while they should continue in power, was this more or less than proclaiming, that, so long as those men remained in power, we would continue the war to punish ourselves, and not them, for their crimes and enormities? This declaration, however, was much fairer than the argument of the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer : for he had asserted, that if we could obtain reparation and security, the form of government in France would be no objection to our making peace, and, in his opinion, he had spoken well. But he had afterwards dwelt on the difficulty of expecting so favourable a circumstance. For his own part,

he thought it much better to say, like the first honourable gentleman, that we must always wage war against such a power, than like the right honourable gentleman alluded to, who said, that the existence of the power in France would be no objection to peace, if peace could be properly attained, but afterwards insinuated the impossibility of its attainment. If he understood the right honourable gentleman aright, there were three species of security on which we might rely. The first was a change of power in France. Was that our object? If so, we were at war with France for the purpose of giving her a constitution. The second species of security was to arise from the persons in France still entertaining the same principles, but convinced by the chastisement they might suffer of the inefficacy of attempting to carry them into execution: but if our arms should prove victorious, as a supposition of that security implied, would a people who had thus severely suffered be thus easily convinced? The third consisted in a relinquishment of a part of their dominions; and if such were the object, had we not already obtained that species of security? If it were said that we must possess Normandy and Brittany, let ministers say so; and, extravagant as the declaration might appear, it would be intelligible. It had been asked by the right honourable gentleman, were we to stop, because they had stopped, when France, by stopping, had only ceased to do us an injury? and ought we not to chastise them for that injury? Yes. We ought to do both. We had chastised them, and therefore we ought to stop, because they had stopped. We had gained that species of indemnity

which the right honourable gentleman wished, by the capture of some of her West-India islands. Did that right honourable gentleman desire to prosecute the war farther, merely that he might be the tool to serve the unjust purposes of some German prince? In the course of his whole argument he' had talked as if this country was suing for peace. This was weak. Was it suing for peace, when the proposition had first come from the enemy? With our miraculous successes and armies, the right honourable gentleman considered a proposition of that kind as having the appearance of suing for peace; but, under such circumstances, would it not appear more like making an offer to grant it? It would not be mean, but manly; not base, but magnanimous.

An honourable friend (Mr. Windham) had asserted, that asking for the object of a war previous to its commencement was a new principle. He begged leave to give that position (and he was sure his honourable friend understood him to be speaking logically, not personally,) the flattest contradiction. Whenever war was commenced, it had been usual to state some object on which that war was to depend. Was a dislike to the doctrine of the rights of men to be pushed so far, that the people were to be denied the right of knowing why they were to suffer the expences and distresses of war? One right honourable gentleman had said, that to make peace with France would be to make war with our allies: but, would not the example of overtures for peace from Great Britain be rather likely to produce a general peace on the continent? The right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer had said, that our distresses were but temporary: he hoped so too. He believed he had likewise said, that they were only imaginary: he (Mr. Fox) did not wish to give his word where it might not be taken; but if he were inclined to pledge his veracity to any fact, it would be to the direct contrary. That right honourable gentleman had called his speech at the commencement of the war a desponding one. He, however, did not think it was, under the existing circumstances. As to the principles of the French revolution, his opinion remained exactly what he had before stated, though he saw and detested their present scandalous perversion. The extreme, however, of their principles in favour of democracy was not worse than the species of principles which he had heard urged in favour of royalty. He thought, however, that of all the arguments that had been urged against royalty, none was more erroneous than that most popular one which rested on its expence. The expence of royalty itself was paltry, and not worth the attention of a great nation; but if the public were to be involved in the expences of a war for the

purpose of establishing royalty in another nation, it was enough to render them disgusted with royalty, and would give the utmost force to the revolutionary arguments on that subject. If there were persons among us who wished for the establishment of revolutionary principles in this country, he believed their numbers to be very few; to no description of men could his proposition be so odious as to men composing a party of that kind. It was a proposition abhorrent to their principles, and would inevitably crush them. It was only by war that such people and such principles could thrive. On the question of an interference in the internal concerns of France, he should freely declare his opinion. He thought that such an interference ought not to be the object of this country; but that if it were necessary as a means of obtaining our object, it ought not to be disclaimed. As to what he had said concerning a difference in the cabinet, he had spoken from the information of the right honourable gentleman's friends, in the newspapers, on the subject; and they had adopted a new mode of serving him by circulating such false reports. On the cabinet he, for his part, could expect to have no influence; but if what he could say on the part of the public ever had any influence, he hoped it would at this moment. He had now done his duty. He had attempted to check the torrent of that calamity which the present war had too fatally produced, and should persist in, and take the sense of the House upon his motion.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

TH

January 21. 1794.

HE session was this day opened by his majesty, with the following speech:

"My lords and gentlemen; the circumstances under which your are now assembled, require your most serious attention. We are engaged in a contest, on the issue of which depend the maintenance of our constitution, laws, and religion; and the se

curity of all civil society. You must have observed, with satisfaction, the advantages which have been obtained by the arms of the allied powers, and the change which has taken place in the general situation of Europe since the commencement of the war. The United Provinces have been protected from invasion; the Austrian Netherlands have been recovered and maintained; and places of considerable importance have been acquired on the frontier of France. The re-capture of Mentz, and the subsequent successes of the allied armies on the Rhine, have, notwithstanding the advantages recently obtained by the enemy in that quarter, proved highly beneficial to the common cause. Powerful efforts have been made by my allies in the South of Europe; the temporary possession of the town and port of Toulon has greatly distressed the operations of my enemies; and, in the circumstances attending the evacuation of that place, an important and decisive blow has been given to their naval power, by the distinguished conduct, abilities, and spirit of my commanders, officers, and forces, both by sea and land. The French have been driven from their possessions and fishery at Newfoundland; and important and valuable acquisitions have been made both in the East and West Indies. At sea our superiority has been undisputed, and our commerce so effectually protected, that the losses sustained have been inconsiderable, in proportion to its extent, and to the captures made on the contracted trade of the enemy. The circumstances by which the farther progress of the allies has hitherto been impeded, not only prove the necessity of vigour and perseverance on our part, but, at the same time, confirm the expectation of ultimate success. Our enemies have derived the means of temporary exertion, from a system which has enabled them to dispose arbitrarily of the lives and property of a numerous people, and which openly violates every restraint of justice, humanity, and religion; but these efforts, productive as they necessarily have been of internal discontent and confusion in France, have also tended rapidly to exhaust the natural and real strength of that country.

"Although I cannot but regret the necessary continuance of the war, I should ill consult the essential interests of my people, if I were desirous of peace on any grounds but such as may provide for their permanent safety, and for the independence and security of Europe. The attainment of these ends is still obstructed by the prevalence of a system in France, equally incompatible with the happiness of that country, and with the tranquillity of all other nations. Under this impression, I thought proper to make a declaration of the views and principles by which I am guided. I have ordered a copy of this declaration to be laid before you, together with copies of several conventions and treaties with different powers, by which you will perceive how large a part of Europe is united in a cause of such general concern. I reflect with unspeakable satisfaction on the steady loyalty and firm attachment to the established constitution and government, which, notwithstanding the continued efforts employed to mislead and to seduce, have been so generally prevalent among all ranks of

my people. These sentiments have been eminently manifested in the zeal and alacrity of the militia to provide for our internal defence, and in the distinguished bravery and spirit displayed on every occasion by my forces both by sea and land; they have maintained the lustre of the British name, and have shewn themselves worthy of the blessings which it is the object of all our exertions to preserve.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; I have ordered the necessary estimates and accounts to be laid before you, and I am persuaded you will be ready to make such provision as the exigencies of the time may require. I feel too sensibly the repeated proofs which I have received of the affection of my subjects, not to lament the necessity of any additional burdens. It is, however, a great consolation to me to observe the favourable state of the revenue, and the complete success of the measure which was last year adopted for removing the embarrassments affecting commercial credit. Great as must be the extent of our exertions, I trust you will be enabled to provide for them in such a manner as to avoid any pressure which could be severely felt by my people.

"My lords and gentlemen; in all your deliberations, you will undoubtedly bear in mind the true grounds and origin of the war. - An attack was made on us, and on our allies, founded on principles which tend to destroy all property, to subvert the laws and religion of every civilized nation, and to introduce universally that wild and destructive system of rapine, anarchy, and impiety, the effects of which, as they have already been manifested in France, furnish a dreadful but useful lesson to the present age and to posterity. It only remains for us to persevere in our united exertions; their discontinuance or relaxation could hardly procure even a short interval of delusive repose, and could never terminate in security or peace. Impressed with the necessity of defending all that is most dear to us, and relying, as we may, with confidence, on the valour and resources of the nation, on the combined efforts of so large a part of Europe, and, above all, on the incontestible justice of our cause, let us render our conduct a contrast to that of our enemies, and, by cultivating and practising the principles of humanity, and the duties of religion, endeavour to merit the continuance of the Divine favour and protection which have been so eminently experienced by these kingdoms."

An address of thanks, in approbation of the speech from the throne, having been moved by Lord Cliffden, and seconded by Sir Peter Burrell, a debate of great length ensued. After the proposed address had been supported by Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Hawkins Browne, the Earl of Mornington, Mr. Windham, and Mr. Secretary Dundas; and opposed by the Earl of Wycombe, Colonel Tarleton, Sir William Milner, Mr. Courtenay, and Mr. Sheridan,

Mr. Fox rose and spoke as follows: Notwithstanding, Sir, the lateness of the hour, I feel it incumbent upon me to trespass upon the attention of the House, by delivering my senti